And m Kaledin is a white movement. Literary and historical notes of a young technician. Russian military leader, cavalry general

38. Labor Code of 1918. I Legislation on marriage and family in 1917-1918. Labor Code. In December 1918, the Labor Code (Labor Code) was adopted. It consolidated the gains of the working people achieved as a result of the victory of the revolution. The right was first proclaimed

KALEDIN, Alexei Mikhailovich (1861–1918), Ataman of the Don Cossack Army 12 Russia perished from chatter! Words spoken shortly before suicide, 29 Jan. 1918, when discussing the issue of the withdrawal of the Volunteer Army from the Don. In this form, the phrase is given in "Essays on the Russian

Kaledin Alexei Maksimovich - (1861-1918), Russian military and political figure, one of the leaders white movement.Distinguished by personal courage; A.I. Denikin noted that Kaledin did not send, but led troops into battle
Member of the First World War. He distinguished himself in the battles near Tarnopol in August 1914. In February 1915, having organized stubborn resistance to the Austrians near the village of Bednary, he thwarted their attempt to capture Galich. He was seriously wounded, but returned to duty in August, becoming commander of the 12th Army Corps. In 1916 he was promoted to general of the cavalry. In April 1916 he was appointed commander of the 8th Army. In May 1916, he played a decisive role in the Brusilov breakthrough, defeating the 4th army near Lutsk. Austrian army. For military merits, he was awarded the St. George weapon and the Orders of St. George of the 4th and 3rd degrees. Nicknamed "the second checker of Russia."

The February Revolution met with hostility. He impeded the democratization of the army and the activities of the soldiers' committees. In early May 1917 he was removed from command and left for the Don. On June 17 (30), 1917, at the Don Military Circle, he was elected military ataman (the first elected ataman since the time of Peter I). army. He actively supported the speech of General L.G. Kornilov. On August 31 (September 13), 1917, the Provisional Government issued a decree removing him from office and arresting him. However, the firm position of the Military Government and the Don Military Circle, which refused to extradite their chieftain, forced A.F. Kerensky to leave the decree without execution.

Strongly condemned October revolution. The coming to power in Petrograd of the Bolsheviks, who overthrew the Provisional Government, Alexey Maksimovich assessed as a coup d'état and a crime. Before restoring order in Russia, he entrusted the Don military government with all the full executive state power in the region. But the activities of all kinds of councils and committees, under the influence of Bolshevik propaganda, shook the foundations of firm government on the Don. The mood of the Cossacks was affected by the expectations of economic reforms, the broad promises of the Bolsheviks. Morally depressed and inclined to believe the Bolsheviks, the Cossacks, returning from the front, arrived on the Don.

Kaledin gave refuge on the Don to all the outcasts, expelled and persecuted by the new central government. Former members of the Provisional Government reached out to the Don. State Duma, representatives political parties, officers. In November - early December, generals Alekseev, Kornilov, Denikin, Kaledin's comrades-in-arms in the world war, arrived in Novocherkassk. Here they received shelter and the opportunity to begin the formation of the Volunteer White Army. But when Kerensky appeared in Novocherkassk, General Kaledin did not receive him, declaring him a "rogue."
Under him, the Don became the center of attraction for all anti-Bolshevik forces; it was here that in November 1917 the formation of the Volunteer Army (originally the Alekseevsky organization) began. On December 18 (31), together with Generals M.V. Alekseev and L.G. Kornilov, he headed the Don Civil Council, created to lead the White movement throughout the territory of the former Empire and claimed to be the all-Russian government. Opening the way for the White movement in Russia, Kaledin, in fact, sacrificed himself: against the recalcitrant Don, who was the first to raise the banner of struggle, the Bolsheviks immediately abandoned all available military and propaganda forces

On January 28 (February 10), 1918, Red detachments occupied Taganrog and launched an offensive against Rostov. The decision of Alekseev and Kornilov to withdraw the Volunteer Army to the Kuban deprived Kaledin of his last hope. On January 29 (February 11), 1918, in Novocherkassk, he resigned as a military chieftain and shot himself on the same day. His grave in the fence of the Dimitrievskaya cemetery church was destroyed by the Bolsheviks. So the former commander of the 8th Army, the hero of the "Lutsk breakthrough" passed away. The death of Kaledin became a reproach and an impetus for the Cossacks in their relations with the Bolsheviks. "The Circle of Don's Salvation", the new ataman P. Krasnov will raise the banner of struggle left by Kaledin, and Don will again become a participant in the great white struggle.

"The sworn enemy of Soviet power" - with such a name Ataman Kaledin entered the official historiography of the USSR, "Ataman-sorrow" - this is how he remained in the memory of people who knew him closely and the white Cossacks. Before the fatal shot that ended his life at the age of 57, cavalry general Kaledin had come a long way worthy of a Russian officer, defender of the Fatherland.

KALEDIN, ALEXEY MAKSIMOVICH(1861–1918), Russian military and political figure, one of the leaders of the White movement. He was born on October 12 (24), 1861 in the village of Ust-Khoperskaya Region of the Don Army in the family of a Cossack colonel. He graduated from the Voronezh Cadet Corps (1875), the St. Petersburg Mikhailovsky Artillery School (1882) and the Nikolaev Academy of the General Staff (1889). Served in the Kiev military district. In 1903-1906 he headed the Novocherkassk cadet school. In 1906-1910 - Assistant Chief of Staff of the Don Cossacks. In 1907 he was promoted to major general. In 1910-1912 he commanded a brigade of the 11th Cavalry Division, in 1912-1915 - the 12th Cavalry Division.

Member of the First World War. He distinguished himself in the battles near Tarnopol in August 1914. In February 1915, having organized stubborn resistance to the Austrians near the village of Bednary, he thwarted their attempt to capture Galich. He was seriously wounded, but returned to duty in August, becoming commander of the 12th Army Corps. In 1916 he was promoted to general of the cavalry. In April 1916 he was appointed commander of the 8th Army. In May 1916, he played a decisive role in the Brusilov breakthrough, defeating the 4th Austrian army near Lutsk. For military merits, he was awarded the St. George weapon and the Orders of St. George of the 4th and 3rd degrees. Nicknamed "the second checker of Russia."

The February Revolution met with hostility. He impeded the democratization of the army and the activities of the soldiers' committees. In early May 1917 he was removed from command and left for the Don. On June 17 (30), 1917, at the Don Military Circle, he was elected military ataman (the first elected ataman since the time of Peter I). He represented the Russian Cossacks at the Moscow State Conference (August 1917), where he demanded the continuation of the war until victory, the abolition of the Soviets and the restoration of discipline in the army. He actively supported the rebellion of General L.G. Kornilov. On August 31 (September 13), 1917, the Provisional Government issued a decree removing him from office and arresting him. However, the firm position of the Military Government and the Don Military Circle, which refused to hand over their chieftain, forced A.F. Kerensky to leave the decree without execution.

He strongly condemned the October Revolution. October 25 (November 7), 1917, declaring allegiance to the Provisional Government, took over the full power of state power in the Don region. On October 26 (November 8), he introduced martial law on the territory he controlled and proceeded to liquidate the local Soviets. Under him, the Don became the center of attraction for all anti-Bolshevik forces; it was here that in November 1917 the formation of the Volunteer Army (originally the Alekseevsky organization) began. On December 18 (31), together with Generals M.V. Alekseev and L.G. Kornilov, he headed the Don Civil Council, created to lead the White movement throughout the territory of the former Empire and claimed to be the all-Russian government. The Entente countries made contact with him, sending their representatives to Novocherkassk.

On December 25, 1917 (January 7, 1918), the Bolsheviks launched an offensive against the Don region. All Kaledin's attempts to raise the Cossacks to fight against them proved fruitless: the front-line Cossacks, tired of the war, refused to fight; The military government was torn apart by inter-party contradictions; workers industrial centers the regions (Rostov, Taganrog, Bataysk) sympathized with the Soviet government; The "out-of-town" peasantry was not satisfied with the concessions made to it (wide admission to the Cossacks, participation in stanitsa self-government, transfer of part of the landowners' lands), demanding a radical land reform. The positions of the ataman were weakened by the fact that he, being an adherent of the preservation of Russian statehood, refused (even for tactical purposes) to support the separatist tendencies that were widespread among the Cossacks. On January 10–11 (23–24), 1918, the congress of front-line Cossacks, at the initiative of the Bolsheviks, announced the overthrow of the Military Government and the transfer of power on the Don to the Don Cossack Military Revolutionary Committee. On January 28 (February 10), 1918, Red detachments occupied Taganrog and launched an offensive against Rostov. The decision of Alekseev and Kornilov to withdraw the Volunteer Army to the Kuban deprived Kaledin of his last hope. On January 29 (February 11), 1918, in Novocherkassk, he resigned as a military chieftain and shot himself on the same day. His grave in the fence of the Dimitrievskaya cemetery church was destroyed by the Bolsheviks. There is a legend that the ashes of the ataman were secretly transferred from Novocherkassk to one of the Cossack villages.

Ivan Krivushin

Don Ataman Kaledin in 1918 could turn the tide Russian history. But he was interrupted..

Rostov search engines of the Mius-Front association found the place of the alleged burial place of Ataman of the Don Cossacks A.M. Kaledin, which, as previously believed, was destroyed by the Bolsheviks. Perhaps the discovery of the remains of the general and the ataman will provide an answer to the conspiracy theory of his death that is being actively discussed today: Kaledin did not commit suicide, but was killed as a result of a cunningly planned and insidiously implemented conspiracy.

ATAMAN BETRAYED BY THE COSSACKS

Aleksei Maksimovich Kaledin (with the accent on the last syllable) belongs to that circle of cult figures of Russian history at the beginning of the 20th century, which for a long time, but unsuccessfully, they tried to forget during the years of Soviet power. Cossack officer, distinguished by personal courage, intelligence, intelligence. Hero of the First World War. Suffice it to say that the breakthrough in May 1916 on the German front, which was included in the history books under the name "Brusilovsky", was actually carried out by the 8th Army under the command of A.M. Kaledin, who utterly defeated the 4th Austrian army and within nine days advanced 70 miles forward. At the same time, the commander was almost constantly near the front line. General A.I. Denikin wrote that Kaledin did not send, but led troops into battle.

Kaledin reacted negatively to the February Revolution and refused to comply with the order of the Provisional Government on the democratization of the troops. On the contrary, he was a supporter of restoring order at the front and in the rear by harsh methods, demanding the arrest of all soldiers' councils and committees. It was for this that in the spring of 1917 he was removed from command of the army.

Having not received a new appointment, Kaledin left for the Don, and at the end of May he was elected Ataman of the Don Cossacks. Alexey Maksimovich became the first elected Don ataman since 1709, when the election was abolished by Peter I.

General Kaledin did not accept the October Revolution and on October 25, 1917, issued an appeal in which he declared the seizure of power by the Bolsheviks criminal. Together with the former supreme commander by the Russian army, General M.V. Alekseev, Kaledin began to develop measures to combat the Bolsheviks. On December 27, 1917, the Volunteer Army was formed, and General A.M. Kaledin, together with Generals M.V. Alekseev and L.G. Kornilov formed a triumvirate, in which Kaledin held all the power in the Don region.

Meanwhile, the ideas of Bolshevism found adherents among broad masses Cossacks who refused to go into battle with the Bolsheviks. Even officers who remained true to their oath, in best case agreed to carry out the police service to protect law and order. The only combat-ready unit at the disposal of Kaledin remained a partisan detachment under the command of the Yesaul, consisting of boys: junkers and students of Cossack schools. On January 21, 1918, after the battle near the village of Glubokaya, this detachment was destroyed by superior forces of the "Red Cossacks", and the captive Chernetsov was hacked to death by the chairman of the Donrevkom Podtelkov.

January 29 in the Ataman Palace in Novocherkassk A.M. Kaledin called a meeting of the Don government, at which he announced that only 147 bayonets were found at the front to protect the Don region from the Bolsheviks. He went into the next room and put a bullet in his heart. In his suicide letter, A.M. Kaledin explained his departure from life by "the refusal of the Cossacks to follow their ataman."

These are well-known facts. Until recently, no one disputed the version of the ataman's suicide. A reasonable assumption that Kaledin was killed as a result of a conspiracy was voiced in the candidate's book historical sciences, researcher of the Cossacks Vyacheslav Rodionov Quiet Don Ataman Kaledin. Now this version is actively discussed by researchers, and finds everything more supporters.

NEITHER RED NOR WHITE

"Kaledin was killed!"- Rodionov categorically affirms, building his own, very logically coherent and convincing version.
Vyacheslav Grigoryevich Rodionov, a Kamensky Cossack by origin, lives most of his life in Moscow. Art historian, candidate of historical sciences, researcher, author of a number of books and articles on the theory of culture. Vyacheslav Rodionov still has the rank of military foreman. He is actively interested in the history of the Cossacks, and especially in the issues of its revival on the Don. In 2004, Rostizdat published his two-volume "Cossack Prize", in which Rodionov analyzes in detail the process of the revival of the Don Cossacks in the late 80s and early 90s of the last century.

In the historical understanding, Kaledin's personality is significant, because in his own way he saw the mission of the Cossacks in the civil turmoil that gripped Russia. He resisted with all his might the invasion of the Don by the Bolshevik troops, and at the same time tried not to involve the Cossacks in the affairs of the White movement. Such a policy was often not accepted even by Kaledin's closest associates. In particular, Rodionov highlights the figure of the Cossack historian, chairman of the Military Circle and deputy military ataman Mitrofan Bogaevsky.

On that fateful day, January 29, Kaledin seemed to have been replaced. Previously, the oppressed chieftain was unrecognizable. He was full of energy. At the morning meeting, he expressed sharp reproaches against the Military Government and its chairman M.P. Bogaevsky, calling them "talkers, from which Russia died." At the same meeting, a decision was made to transfer administrative powers to the City Duma of Novocherkassk, which was already in the blockade of the "revolutionary Cossacks" under the command of foreman Golubov.

Most researchers perceive this as an act of Kaledin's weakness. It is reminded that the chieftain was going to lay down his power at the Military Circle, scheduled for February 6, 1918. V.G. Rodionov is sure of something else: Kaledin got rid of unnecessary obligations in order to get additional opportunities to fight: to leave with faithful Cossacks (and there were up to three thousand sabers) on the Steppe campaign. A military general, a supporter of decisive action, Kaledin understood perfectly well that it was impossible to sit idly by in such a situation. The day before, Kaledin's appeal to the Cossacks was circulated with an appeal to unite in the struggle against the Bolsheviks. Such a campaign could rally the Cossack forces, turn the tide of the Civil War and the fate of all of Russia.

What could have caused such a sharp change in the mood of the Don ataman? Yes, the fact that the day before came the news of the death of Colonel Chernetsov, who was hacked to death by the chairman of the Donrevkom Podtelkov. If Kaledin had gone with his supporters on a partisan campaign, then the Military Circle and the abdication of the ataman would not have taken place. And in such a scenario of events, all power on the Don would have passed into the hands of his deputy, Mitrofan Petrovich Bogaevsky. It turns out that it was impossible to let the ataman go on this campaign?

"DONSKOY BAYAN" SINGING TO THE BOLSHEVIK?

The role of M.P. Bogaevsky is ambiguous in the history of the Don. He graduated from the Novocherkassk gymnasium very late, at the age of 20. He studied at the Faculty of History and Philology at St. Petersburg University, after graduation he returned to the Don, was a teacher of history, geography and Latin. He tried his hand at journalism.
After February Revolution In 1917, Bogaevsky went into politics. He was elected as a delegate to several congresses. He was a good speaker: he was called "Don Nightingale", "Chrysostom", "Don Bayan". And most importantly, he had acquaintances in revolutionary circles from his student years in St. Petersburg.

V.G. Rodionov talks about organizing three assassination attempts on Kaledin after he rejected Lenin's offer of cooperation. The chieftain was open to communication, but it was not so easy to get close to him. To organize the assassination, a person from Kaledin's inner circle was needed, who would have reasons to remove his boss. That was Mitrofan Bogaevsky.

Historians describe the last day of Ataman Kaledin in a similar way. At two o'clock in the afternoon, after the meeting, Kaledin retired to the room of his brother Vasily on the second floor of the Ataman's Palace. Soon a shot was heard from there. Those who ran in saw that Alexei Maksimovich was lying on a camp bed, without a tunic, a bloody stain was spreading on his chest. A suicide letter lay on the table nearby.

The investigation required in such cases was not carried out. It is not known exactly with what weapon the ataman shot himself (or was killed). He was not in the room. The fact that eyewitnesses talk about Kaledin's arms crossed on his chest also leads to reflections.

The room in which the chieftain's body was found has two exits: one directly to the stairs, and the other to the inner chambers of the palace. Assuming that Kaledin, tired of nervous tension, lay down to rest on the bed, the killer could sneak up on him unnoticed.

The well-known researcher Mikhail Astapenko describes in detail: “Mitrofan Bogaevsky, out of breath, ran into the room ... Seeing that everything was over and Ataman was dead, he straightened the head of the deceased, examined the wound and crawled under the bed and found a flattened bullet.”
Bogaevsky put the raised bullet into his pocket. In forensic parlance, this is called hiding evidence. And why did he turn Kaledin's head? Is it because a year after his death there were rumors that Kaledin had been shot in the temple?

By the way, the suicide letter found near Kaledin became known only three months later, after the Bolsheviks were expelled from the Don in the spring of 1918. Researchers of the history of the Cossacks abroad called it a fake, since Kaledin urged General Alekseev, to whom this letter was addressed, not to fight the Bolsheviks: “The Cossacks need liberty and calmness: rid the Don of snakes, but no longer lead my dear Cossacks to the slaughter.”
“My dear Cossacks” is by no means a typical turn of speech for a front-line general!

The Bolsheviks, who briefly took power in February 1918, immediately arrested Bogaevsky. He was kept in the Rostov Central, and on April 1, 1918, the chairman of the Rostov Extraordinary Investigation Commission, Berush-Rozhansky, together with the head of the Rostov Red Guard, Yakov Antonov, took Bogaevsky from the prison cell to Balabanovskaya Grove and shot him there. Was the main witness removed?

By that time, the notorious General P.N. Krasnov. But soon, under pressure from the opposition, he ceded the ataman's power ... to whom do you think? To the brother of the "Don button accordion" - Afrikan Petrovich Bogaevsky! Here is another reason to think gives us history.

BURIED SECRETLY, BURIED AT NIGHT

Funeral of A.M. Kaledin was like a real detective. The tomb of the ataman was considered destroyed, although no evidence of this has been preserved.
About how and where A.M. was buried. Kaledin, even in 1918 knew a very narrow circle of people. Panic reigned in Novocherkassk: the Red Guard detachments under the command of Rudolf Sievers were about to enter the city. The church refused to bury the suicide, who turned out to be A.M. Kaledin, and even more so to bury him on church land ...

The chronology of those events was restored by the Cossack historian Dmitry Lenivov, who was lucky enough to find the descendants of the former chairman of the Don government, Kaledin's closest associate, Yevgeny Andreyevich Voloshinov. After several generations, the family passed on an oral story about how Alexei Maksimovich was buried.

They said goodbye to the body of the ataman in front of a large formation, the grave at the entrance to the city cemetery of Novocherkassk was covered with flowers and wreaths.
The real funeral was organized by Kaledin's adjutant Lieutenant Mayborsky and officers of the Novocherkassk cadet school, which was headed by Alexei Maksimovich for several years. The funeral nevertheless took place late in the evening, on February 1, 1918, in the church at the city cemetery of Novocherkassk, and most likely the priest was forced to perform this ceremony.
Only seven people came to say goodbye to Kaledin: E.A. Voloshinov, Kaledin's wife - Swiss citizen Maria Petrovna Granzhan, and five officers. The general had no children: his only son drowned as a child, swimming in the Tuzlov River.

Rostov historian Vladimir Afanasenko says that there were two coffins at the funeral in the church. One luxurious, lacquered, mahogany. The other is a zinc box. General Kaledin lay in a zinc coffin. The name of the second deceased remains unknown.
Then the funeral took place. A lacquered coffin was lowered into the grave dug in front of the cemetery fence. A cross and a tablet were installed on the hill and the name of General A.M. Kaledin.

When it got completely dark, another coffin was lowered into the ground. Already into another hole, dug a few steps from the first grave, within the cemetery fence. A zinc coffin with the body of Alexei Maksimovich Kaledin was lowered into it.
They did not make a mound over this burial. The earth was trampled down and covered with snow. The participants in the burial thus wanted to save the body of the general from abuse. They considered this burial as temporary. Everyone was sure that they would return to Novocherkassk in a few months and give Kaledin a real funeral, with military honors.

They were wrong. Soon Evgeny Andreevich Voloshinov was brutally murdered by the Red Guards. Maria Petrovna survived her husband by just a year. The fate of Lieutenant Maiborsky and other officers who buried Kaledin remained unknown.

The Reds who entered Novocherkassk first of all demolished the hill that marked the grave of Kaledin from the face of the earth. And on October 14, 1921, a special commission of the DonChK exhumed this burial. The protocol noted: “the body of citizen Kaledin A.M. not detected".
The topic was closed for many years. All this time, the grave of A.M. Kaledina was considered lost.

TWO METERS UNDER THE ASPHALT

The head of the Mius Front association, Andrey Kudryakov, says that people who are interested in the history of the Fatherland, no matter what period it belongs to, are engaged in the search business. Usually the detachment works at the site of the battles of the Great Patriotic War (hence the name of the association), but the topic of the Civil War has always been attractive.

Therefore, as soon as we learned about the possible location of Kaledin's grave, we immediately went to the place. The latest British metal detector showed that a zinc coffin was located at a depth of two meters. Everything coincided with one hundred percent accuracy with the data of the historian Dmitry Lenivov, with the surviving historical documents- said Andrey Kudryakov.

Now this place is not marked in any way. It is covered with asphalt, there is a road for the passage of cars.
It is interesting that the zinc box lies contrary to the Orthodox canon, according to which it is supposed to bury the deceased with his head to the east and put a cross at his feet. This coffin is oriented from north to south, which, as the searchers believe, only confirms their guess about the temporary nature of this burial.

The search engines of the "Mius-Front" carefully examined the surrounding area. Now everything is covered with snow. Exhumation work is expected to be carried out in the spring, as soon as the snow cover melts, in the presence of a special commission. If the remains of Alexei Maksimovich Kaledin are indeed found in a zinc coffin, the question of the place of his reburial will inevitably arise ...

Answers to all these questions can only be given by an autopsy of the alleged burial place of A.M. Kaledin, which was found by the Rostov search engines of the Mius-Front association. If there really are the remains of A.M. Kaledin, then it will be possible to solve one of the mysteries of our recent history.

Alexander OLENEV.

(excerpts from the statements of V.P. Melikhova from the forum http://elan-kazak.ru/forum/index.php)

On another visit to St. Yelanskaya [ summer 2011], I decided to go to x. Kaledin, which is now renamed to x. pancakes, in "honor" of the traitor of the Cossacks - Blinov, who went over to the side of the Red Army.
I hoped to meet with local Cossacks and discuss the issue of a possible joint event about 150th anniversary of the birth of Alexei Maksimovich Kaledin.
What I saw on the farm surpassed even my skeptical hopes. Firstly, a rather extended farm along the river. Tsutskan (about 3.5 km) - today it is represented by only one street at the beginning of the farm with 10-12 houses built in the 70s and detached houses and ruins along the entire length, where the farm was previously located, with a total of about 20 houses. The farm cemetery was completely overgrown with grass, and among it, which rose to the waist after the rains, we managed to find this tombstone with an amazing inscription:

We went (and where we went) through the yards to find out who owns this plate and how it was preserved. Having bypassed about a dozen houses, it became obvious that only immigrants live in the farm, someone arrived in the late 30s (mainly from the Tambov and Saratov provinces), someone in the late 40s and early 50s (these - from Mordva) and none of them knew about the ownership of this plate. Everyone said that when they arrived, this slab was already there, and some even stated that they had never seen it at the cemetery.
Unfortunately, we could not find the guard of the farm, but one local woman showed us an article from the local newspaper, which wrote about the Kaledin estate, located at the end of the farm on the other side of the Tsutskan river.
We drove there, of course, the house there was already different, most likely built in the 50s, but the well of the Kaledins remained from the estate, from which we drank water.
The surrounding area looks rather depressing. Broken farms, destroyed houses and neglected levadas. I will post some photos here. The full report on x. Kaledin and his fate, as well as the fate of hundreds of Cossacks who previously lived in it, we will prepare later.

Pointer to the farm; the first and only street in today's farm

A well from which no one draws water; pillars along the old street, which no longer exists

middle of the street; Kaledin farm today

Place of the Kaledin's estate; well of the Kalediny estate

what is left… (…)(2011;)

***

September trip along the Don and Kuban and meeting there with the Cossacks did not reveal anything particularly new. A number of issues simply began to appear more prominently and, on the part of the main issues, there was no longer even a need to argue - for many they became obvious. And the first such evidence, which is no longer disputed by many Cossacks, is the corruption of most of the registered leadership of the Cossack societies of the existing government. When the Cossacks from the arbitrariness of the authorities, it, the leadership, not only can no longer protect, but does not even make attempts to do so. At the same time, it uses the same resource as the system itself in redistributing what has not yet been fully distributed. Of course, in exchange for loyalty and "quiet" oblivion of what they themselves said in all kinds of Circles.
And such a blatant "loyalty" was the refusal of a large-scale celebration of the 150th anniversary of the birth of Alexei Maksimovich Kaledin. Planned activities for the reburial of the ashes of A.M. Kaledin, the installation of a bust in Novocherkassk and the holding of a solemn gathering in his honor have been cancelled. True, a number of Cossacks are going to hold events on their own, but it is difficult to say how successful they will be.
Perhaps the ataman of the Ust-Medveditsky district will be able to h.Kaledin(now Blinov) some kind of solemn gathering of the Cossacks - closer to October 12th. We'll see. But we decided to celebrate this day with a gathering of all interested Cossacks, according to the program, which we will announce separately.

Will there be a monument to General Kaledin in Rostov? The last chieftain
In early October, a book about General Alexei Kaledin will be presented in Novocherkassk.
The authors of the publication, employees of the Museum of the History of the Don Cossacks, timed its release to coincide with the 150th anniversary of the birth of the last great ataman of the Don army. The release of the book was supposed to crown the celebrations dedicated to the anniversary of the illustrious hero of the First World War, who in January 1918 put a bullet in his heart in order to prevent the Don people from converging in a fratricidal slaughter. The organization of the celebration was undertaken by the Great Don Army, which is the successor of the Cossack traditions and the custodian of historical memory.
sad holiday
In March 2010, the Council of Chieftains of the Don Cossacks heard a question about the preparation and holding of ceremonial events in honor of the 150th anniversary of the birth of General Kaledin. Only five minutes were allotted for the report, but the strict time limit did not prevent the Cossacks from making decisions, on the basis of which the ataman of the VVD Viktor Vodolatsky signed an order on the procedure for celebrating the Kaledinsky anniversary. According to him, in Novocherkassk, a bust of the hero was to be unveiled with pomp, a memorial service was to be held in the Military Cathedral, and a play about the life and death of the ataman was staged in the local theater.
The celebrations were scheduled for mid-June. However, neither the bust nor the performance appeared. “Summer, the people were on vacation,” explained the representative of the Army, Yevgeny Chernykh. “But we do not refuse to hold events in memory of Kaledin. We will definitely open the bust of the ataman in October. Having learned about this, representatives of the museum community expressed doubts: you can’t sculpt a monument in a month, and none of the specialists have heard about the work on it.
However, historians and, in general, everyone who is not indifferent to Cossack history, is much more concerned about another question: will they finally be able to bow to the general’s grave on his hundred and fiftieth anniversary?
Forgotten Hero
The resting place of Ataman Kaledin remained unknown for more than ninety years. Realizing that as soon as the Reds burst into Novocherkassk, the ashes of the general would be defiled, the associates secretly buried their commander under cover of night. Having razed the grave to the ground, the Cossacks swore after the fall of the Bolsheviks to return and pay well-deserved honors to the late ataman. The legends of the funeral participants preserved the approximate landmarks of the general's last refuge. A few years ago, search engines managed to find him near one of the old city churches. As it turned out, in modern times the grave was rolled up in asphalt, under which today the ashes rest. The question arose about the transfer of the remains, or at least the installation of a monument to Kaledin. However, in the Army, for some reason, they decided not only to do without the monument, but also to leave the burial place in general a secret. Why? Having addressed this question to the Cossacks for the first time, we did not receive a clear answer to it. Now, the representative of the Army explained that the publication of the resting place of the ataman is not an easy task, so he cannot say anything concrete yet.
As for honoring the memory of the ataman, soon a competition will be held in the cadet corps creative works dedicated to General Kaledin. After all, the upbringing of the Cossacks in the spirit of patriotism is an extremely important matter. »

(…) Forum member writes:“Looks like they are reading this forum from the registry and the publication about the refusal to celebrate the 150th anniversary of the birth of Kaledin A.M. took a sort of action. The registry began to fuss, while everything is on the sly, but some events are being prepared. And they say that they are grandiose! They want to surprise. Here, it seems, they accused us of forgetting the heroes, and we, it seems, remember and honor everyone. It is not so important who will do more or less in commemoration of the name of the glorious Ataman - A.M. Kaledin. The main thing is that his descendants remember him and his fate and sacrificial death were revered by us forever.

Unfortunately, of all previously planned events related to the celebration 150th anniversary of the birth of A.M. Kaledina in Novocherkassk, only a conference was held, organized by the employees of the Museum of the Don Cossacks, at which a presentation of the book was held, which included letters A.M. Kaledina to his wife between 1915 and 1917. The book also contains photographs of Ataman, which have not been published anywhere before. It is a pity that at this conference there were mainly only scientists Yes, one cadet class. There were practically no Cossacks. Still, the release of this book is a pleasant and important event.
October 12 at x. Kaledin(now Blinov) took place opening of a memorial stone with a commemorative inscription that the family estate of Kaledin A.M. was located at this place. This memorial stone was installed through the efforts of the ataman and the Cossacks of the Ust-Medveditsky district. Children from the Cossack school, part of the district Cossacks, our Cossacks from Yelanskaya, as well as a number of Cossacks who accepted our offer to travel to X. Kaledin from other places.

Despite the absence of magnificent celebrations, everything went off magnificently. We talked about the current state of the Cossacks and those organizations in which they are members, remembered the Ataman - the kingdom of heaven to him.
It is sad that in almost all villages on the Don this day passed almost unnoticed, the descendants of the Cossacks for the most part did not remember such an important anniversary of their Ataman, just as Pokrov - the military holiday of the Don people - was not celebrated by all the villages and Cossacks.

Conference and presentation of the book in the Ataman Palace in Novocherkassk:

Opening of a memorial stone at the location of the family estate Kaledina A.M.:

Sad mound (the place where the Cossacks were escorted to the service).

On the grave Kaledinykh

The forthcoming Almanac "Don Cossacks in the fight against the Bolsheviks", dedicated to 150th anniversary of the birth of A.M. Kaledin. (2011;

***

foruman writes:“About 7 years ago I wrote a script for documentary, and then I had links to the materials of the investigation on Kaledin. Now I write only facts from memory, but I do not know a unique writer, in my opinion, Sasha Smirnov - you can argue with him, and yet he sometimes posts very accurate and entertaining references to documents. Look in his book about A.M. Kaledin. » Dear forum member, I think that you indicated the link that is not quite a “good” book. This is the same author who accused Krasnov P.N. in a conspiracy against Kaledina and organization of his assassination. There are no documents in this book, there are full fantasies and assumptions of the author, based on his personal likes or dislikes.

But the main thing is different. Question: to sing or not to sing chieftain, decided by the Russian Church and the ruling Bishop at that time - Bishop Hermogenes in 1918, when the coffin with the body of the Ataman was placed in the Military Cathedral and the rite of church burial (funeral service) was held in it. And in subsequent years, memorial services were held on the day of death, thereby recognizing the death of the Ataman as a sacrifice for the salvation of the Fatherland.

Recently, among the secondary papers of one of the archives, we found an amazing document: the notes of his wife Mitrofan Bogaevsky, in which she answers one of the editors to the questions posed to her. Among other things, there are records concerning the death of A.M. Kaledin, here they are:
(…) Now about Mary Peter. Kaledina. I met her from the moment Ataman was elected. Despite the big difference in age, it was good with her, nice. Sensitive, kind, delicate, accessible. Sometimes the Cossacks came to her reception, so leaving, they said: "This is a real ataman." We did not talk about her past: there was a difficult present and a terrible future. Meeting every day we talked about current events and what needs to be done. All she knew about her past was that she was her second marriage to A.M.K. The rest I received all the information from 3 hands, but this interested me very little. Alec. Max. She obviously loved him very much and she loved him. Survived the ataman by only one year. She was buried in the same grave with her husband. Now, of course, there are no traces of the grave, just like the others: there is no more cemetery; there is a football field and trample it and jump and jump over the bones of our poor dead. And they? Poor, poor...
(...) Difficult events began on the Don. L.S. visits us and gets acquainted with Maria Petrovna. She was with her when Al. Max. shot himself and she arranged a shelter for M.P. in the monastery, visited her there. At that time I was away with my husband. When Novocherkassk was liberated, I moved my husband's body and buried him in our Zakalyaevsky place in the cemetery along with his daughter. And then our life of three widows began. Maria Petrovna began to get sick, and the two of us, younger, went to work. It is difficult to write about oneself, not easier about others (…)

Further in the text of the answers, there are quite often records that Ataman shot himself. Being very close in communication with Maria Petrovna Kaledina (Ataman's wife), she knew a lot from that tragic evening (as well as from her husband Mitrofan Petrovich Bogaevsky) - but nowhere in her notes did she ever doubt the fact of what happened, giving a different interpretation of what happened.

MENTIONS:

• (...) The so-called attempt to rehabilitate Krasnov P.N. This is a deliberate provocation. In the course of this “plan”, the image of a traitor and fascist accomplice, the image of a separatist who hates Russia and Russians, was methodically and steadfastly hammered into the public consciousness. And when intoxication and manipulations achieved results, when this particular image was established, the “program” was curtailed, leaving behind the created lie. And many believed in it, because it continues to expand, acquiring similar articles of the Prokhanov mouthpiece of the ongoing sovietization of society. It continues with direct lies and demagogy, which no one stops. An example of this is Kolomeitsev's deputy request. ().

How can you call those whose bas-reliefs are in the Memorial " henchmen of Krasnov P.N., involved in the executions and repressions of tens of thousands of civilians"- and this Kaledin A.M., who shot himself because of the betrayal of the Cossacks in 18, chieftains Voloshinov E.A. and Nazarov A.M., whom the Bolsheviks brutally killed without trial or investigation in the same 18th, Colonel V.M. Podtelkova, 51). And who did Pyotr Nikolaevich Krasnov himself shoot or give an indication of, or was the inspirer for this?! Rave! But he's in demand. And we accept it, because after this nonsense, the Prosecutor's Office filed a lawsuit for the demolition of the Memorial. Today, one thing is important for such people: to completely erase from the memory of those who fought against Bolshevism until the end of their lives. Divide those who led this struggle into right and wrong, accepted by the current government and "traitors" to this government. To intimidate, drive into a corner those who wish to resurrect the bright name of fighters against communism. Once again, turn the people into a herd, consciousness into a totalitarian dogma, deprive them of conscience and honor, imposing one desire and desire: a full stomach and an organized life with a toilet bowl. To understand Krasnov P.N., read his books. In particular, "From the double-headed Eagle to the Red Banner." If your heart does not tremble and your soul does not open, write again.
But in any case, realizing that the poison has entered the minds of many people quite thoroughly, I will try to write a more detailed and more extensive answer on this issue in the near future. (…) (2008;

• (...) I met a lot in my time and with those who today preach independence, I was lucky to catch alive those who either were independent or were familiar with them in exile. From personal communication, from the life experience that they gave me, and I myself received with my life and work. Everything that concerns independent currents can be expressed as follows. There is no short answer, so be patient and carefully read everything to the end. You may not like something, you may not agree with something, but if you pay attention to the main thing - what these ideas have led and lead to, I think you will still agree with me on the main thing. The issue of today's revival of the Cossacks lies in a different plane.

In order to understand the origins of the “independent” idea in the Cossack environment, its original meaning and its current content, it is necessary to rather scrupulously trace the emergence of this direction, the motivating motives and those ideologists who stand at its origins, both yesterday and today.
Before the abdication of Emperor Nicholas II, the question of "independent" and independent existence of the Cossacks from the Russian state was not raised. Until that time, the Cossacks, being an integral part of the Russian Imperial Army, covered it with unfading glory in the wars waged by Russia. The Cossacks were pioneers in the discovery and development of new lands in Siberia, Far East, Central Asia- developing and annexing new lands to Russian Empire.
In bright and precise words, P.N. Krasnov, the relationship between the Cossacks and the Russian Empire, saying the following in 1922: “There are no Cossacks outside of Russia. Cossacks are the best pearl of the royal crown and they must remain so. You can’t take them out - they will disappear, get lost, be wiped off the face of the earth. You can go on and say the following: and vice versa, Russian crown will fade and lose its royal power and noble brilliance, if this pearl is lost to it, a void or a surrogate remake will gape itself or instead of it, which will distort its former power.
The first sprouts of independence arose immediately after the "February Revolution of 1917", which led to the destruction of the traditional foundations of the Russian Empire, the destruction of the way of life that Russian society. Most often, freedom was replaced by permissiveness and debauchery, both in the public and moral spheres. The “deepening of the revolution” called into question the very existence of the Cossacks, not only as a military class, but also as a special ethnically unique part of the Russian people. In addition, ideas about the self-determination of the nation are promoted at this time. The Cossacks felt this and understood that the time had come to defend their national identity.
And already in June 1917, at the Constituent General Cossack Congress in Petrograd, in a report on the agrarian issue, the idea was put forward for the first time that the Cossacks are a people, and not an estate that could be destroyed, and the self-determination of nations is better suited to the Cossacks. The congress was ready to classify the Cossacks as an independent people, if only to obtain the right to self-determination and thereby preserve their originality and their way of life, which was formed and existed until 1917. It was a natural reaction of the healthy part of the Cossacks to the "unrestrained democratization" that violated the economic, everyday and moral way of life.
Thus, the “independence” of this period was expressed only in the preservation of the former way of life and distancing from the beginning destructive process of revolutionary transformations. Thus, Cossack federalism became a form of protection of Cossack interests and a means of fighting the revolution.
At the same time, the Cossacks, in the person of their first elected Ataman Kaledin A.M., admitting federalism, sharply opposed the political self-determination of peoples and national-territorial autonomy.
So, for example, the Small military circle on August 3. In 1917, in Novocherkassk, he decided on the need to combat separatist phenomena in Finland and other parts of Russia. Ataman Kaledin A.M., Speaking on August 14, 1917 with a speech at the State Meeting in Moscow on behalf of 12 Kaz. The troops noted the centrifugal aspiration of groups and nationalities in the country. Calling for the strengthening of the “democratic republican system,” he declared: “Russia must be united. Any separate aspirations must be set at the very bud. But the menacingly impending October Revolution, with its monstrous anti-human and anti-Russian essence, forced the Cossacks to take a more radical look at their future by the end of 1917. And already after the October Revolution, Ataman Kaledin, taking into account the program of the RSDLP, which provides for the "destruction of estates", anticipates possible claims of the Bolsheviks on the territory of the Don Cossacks region, declares that the Cossacks belong to a special household group that has the right to self-determination, with the right to form alliances with others regions and nationalities.

In the autumn of 1917, at the initiative of Kaledin, the “South-Eastern Union of Cossack Troops, Highlanders of the Caucasus and Free Peoples of the Steppes” was created. This initiative had nothing to do with independence either. On the contrary, Kaledin considered the main goal to prevent the collapse of Russia, about which he said the following: Russia is heading towards ruin, and now we must not think about saving her. It is hardly possible to save all of Russia at once from the center, it is more likely that events can unfold in such a way that Russia can be restored in parts, piece by piece, gradually healing individual oases, and that one of these oases could be the Cossack Southeast, but for the success of the case it is necessary that the Don, Kuban and Terek not act separately, but unite into one South-Eastern Union. Thus, for Kaledin, the South-Eastern Union was not an end in itself, separating the Cossacks from Russia, but a means to the revival of the Empire. However, further events did not allow the South-Eastern Union to acquire strength and power, and it became a stillborn cause. (...) (2009; see the topic “Independence” in full in the Encyclopedia; )

• (...) As for the interactions in the administration of the region between the Cossacks and non-residents after the collapse of the Empire, they went through two stages: First step- the so-called parity proposed Ataman Kaledin. This is what he said at the Circle: "TO supreme power the entire population must be involved in the region. And we must hurry with this, gentlemen, Cossacks. Immediate representation will have a huge impact on the position not only of the peasants, but also of the workers of the cities of the Don region. Under present conditions, the workers cannot be ignored. I do not now think of governing the Don without the immediate representation of the entire population. But, of course, we will not tolerate Bolsheviks in our government. In the foreground should be the unity of the entire Cossacks and its close rallying with the rest of the population of the region. Then there will be firm support for the struggle against Bolshevism. We stand on solid ground: to be the master in your own house, and we will throw the uninvited guest aside.

This offer Kaledina for part of the Cossacks, the Circle was unacceptable, disputes arose, but still the majority supported Ataman. But, this direction in changing the political structure of the region, non-residents were not supported to a greater extent, firstly, by the false promises of the Bolsheviks about the division of the Cossack land, and secondly, by corrupting the consciousness of the working actions of the Bolshevik agitators and, of course, by the betrayal of the Cossacks themselves, who had gathered near the Military Revolutionary Committee of the Don, headed by Podtelkov (out of 60 regiments of the Don Cossacks, 11 stood on the side of Podtelkov).
But, despite the misunderstanding and hatred, Ataman went to expand the social base of his power. Kaledin proposed to introduce into the Don government representatives from the peasants, workers and commercial and industrial strata of the Don, representatives of other social groups. All conditions were created for the establishment of civil peace and the establishment of a normal life, destroyed by war and revolutions.
But the Bolsheviks did not want peace on the Don, they needed gratuitous bread, coal, resources and the absence of Cossacks on this territory - it must be destroyed so that in the future it could no longer disturb the building system of the "nation's good". The result is the death of Ataman.
Second phase- this is the stage of relations after the election of Ataman VVD Krasnov P.N. Because on this point, I have already written repeatedly in other answers, I will stop in essence. Ataman said that Kaledin's "parity" made it possible for all representatives of the region to stand in its administration, but only the Cossacks stood up for this administration. And now the power should belong to those who, in addition to rights, have a duty - to protect the Don - i.e. to the Cossacks. The entire management system is Cossack. If non-residents take on the duties of a Cossack in protecting the Don, they are attributed to the Cossacks and endowed with the same right. The result - in 6 months the Region was cleared of Bolshevism, and became the only place on the territory of the Russian Empire where law and order reigned.
All these methods of relationships could be used at that time, today the situation is completely different both quantitatively and qualitatively. (2009; )

• Forum member: (…) without going into a discussion of the correctness of what you propose, the question remained unanswered - why this has not been done, because if I understand correctly, this began in 2000, and today it is already 2009. It is clear that this has not been done, because there is no one to do . So, if there is no one to do it, why argue about whether it is right or not now for another 9 years. When I started building the estate in Elani, I myself drew a detailed plan, drawings and sketches of what I wanted to build. Local builders came, looked, said that everyone could do it and started. A month later, I arrived - having seen how they were doing it, I forced them to break everything down and was already building with them myself. Two weeks in Yelanskaya, showing, teaching, preparing a reserve for those two when I will be absent. I'm leaving for two weeks in Podolsk and back to Yelanskaya, again working with them, showing and again doing the groundwork for the next two weeks and so on for 9 months - from September to May. By May, the estate was ready, by that time the people working with me had learned the way they were taught - now similar houses and similar landscaping of estates can be seen in many courtyards of Veshenskaya. I gave this example because the most important thing was clear - no one will rise to calls, no one will be flattered by persuasion. You need a concrete case and a personal example. What example do you offer? — Since 2003, when registering KNKA, you have not registered it, and now, since 2005, you have been waiting for a response from the European Court, which, at best, will come by 2010 and it is still unclear what. And, following this, you propose that everyone should follow the same path - to apply for registration of KNKA, he will be denied, then apply to the European Court and wait 5 years for a response. A precedent will be created, and then KNKA will be registered without any problems. Will this inspire many people? Now, if I coordinated the construction of the Temple in Podolsk, or the Memorial in Yelanskaya, according to their concepts, then even today I would pick the papers. But by using existing laws and acting in accordance with them, I managed to do both, and today's litigation is just another concept of theirs, far removed from their own law. Actions are needed (how many times do I say this) capable of being implemented by the composition of people that actually exists in the society in which we really live, and not just to paint a program of action for others, but to actively participate in this.

And again I turn to the experience of our Don Atamans - Kaledina A.M., Krasnova P.N.: The basis of their position was the following: Russia is sick, the restoration of order must begin on a separate territory of the Don Cossacks, where the Cossacks genetically cannot allow the kingdom of chaos, godlessness and malice to take root on its lands. Which of the above applies to today - yes, that's all. I myself said earlier that it is impossible to judge the actions of people who are in a different era, who did not know what their actions would ultimately lead to, from today's positions. But it is necessary to analyze these actions, to identify the motives and reasons that led to certain results. Because the experience of the past, its mistakes and successes are given to us for edification with the goal of not repeating these mistakes, but multiplying successes.
So, let's consider the situation on the Don in 1918, not as it actually developed, but as it would have developed with a different behavior of its main participants. If in most cases, in the main moments, these participants were guided not by their personal ambitions, but by common sense aimed at the final result, then what could we see (…) (2009; )

• (...) I don’t know how many times I have to give explanations for such statements, both in letters and at that very meeting on May 10 in conversations between the Cossacks, but, apparently, I will have to answer again. Always and everywhere, someone will constantly use all sorts of things in the interests of either their beliefs, or their aspirations, or some programs, and possibly their own. Open any page on the Internet - there you will immediately see a whole range of "all kinds of uses"— ideologies, symbols, faiths and monuments, incl. Well, really, before the creation of the Memorial there were no independent movements, or they didn’t talk about the recognition of the Cossacks by the people, or didn’t they dream of the Cossacks? - all this was, is and will be, regardless of whether there would be a Memorial or not. Those who preached ideas that you did not like, could they not also gather in another place and say the same thing? - of course they could. Therefore, the Memorial has nothing to do with it.

But everyone needs to think about why this is happening. And, upon reflection, the following will become clear - people at the genetic level distance themselves from all kinds of oppression, oppression, lies, hypocrisy and vulgarity - they feel it with every cell of their body and consciously or intuitively move away from this source of evil. Ataman Kaledin A.M. distanced himself from the Bolshevik authorities, creating the Region of the Don Cossacks, Ataman Krasnov P.N. distanced himself from Soviet Russia, creating the Great Don Army.
The current situation in the country, when the omnipotence of the bureaucracy, the arbitrariness of the prosecutor's office, the police and the courts has reached such an unprecedented scale that people, not being able to fight this evil, are trying to get away from it. Thus, any association, the purpose of which is to protect their life priorities from the unbridled permissiveness and depravity of the existing government, is the only way out for them. Another question is what is the way. But it crystallizes gradually - with bumps and mistakes.
It would seem that the Russian authorities, clearly understanding their responsibility to the country, should do everything in such a way as to at least partially stop this arbitrariness and burn out this police-bureaucratic dictatorship that is devouring the remnants of healthy forces in Russia. But no. The exact opposite is being done: a neo-Soviet, mythological ideology of repeated lies is being created, which gives birth to new vampire bloodsuckers. And the goal here is the same - no matter what kind of power is in the country, good or bad, destroying and humiliating its people or thinking and doing something - the duty of society is to protect this power, personifying it with the Fatherland. The fatherland and the power that leads it at any period of its development are identical. And therefore, it is possible to justify the Bolshevik executioners and call those who fought against them traitors, because even today, regardless of the fact that the government gave rise to another bloody moloch of permissiveness of power over the people, we are obliged, in accordance with this doctrine, to protect and protect this power . I am convinced that over time the husk will still subside and an example of former valor will awaken the valor of today's descendants of the Cossacks. Because the bonds of the Cossacks are not in pandering to each other and in unconditional conciliation, but in honor, dignity and fidelity.(...) (2009; )

• forum member: (...) Indeed, it would seem that you wrote the obvious. But the obvious is not always the truth and even more true. In addition to vanity, a thirst for power and money, the bourgeois-Masonic stratum, as you write, had a greater loss of Orthodox consciousness, the absence of which prompted many to participate in forcing the Sovereign to renounce the throne. The same Alekseev, Kornilov and a number of other military leaders only assumed the replacement of one Emperor with another, without thinking about the very change in the structure of power of the Russian Empire. And many others were exposed to just this - everyone thought that the scenery on the stage would change and everything would go better. But the whole scene changed, which they could not have imagined. And realizing this later, they nevertheless washed away their mistakes with their own blood and their own suffering.

That is why I disagree with your statement: “I don’t see heroes in the civil war, I can only see heroic deeds, unfortunately, for all leaders, these deeds are intertwined with misconduct or crimes, and there is nothing surprising here, because this war itself, both its beginning and its end, is one continuous sin and crime, from which some are trying to wash or stain, then others.
The anti-Bolshevik resistance in the civil war was a struggle of heroes who realized what Bolshevism was. After all, you will not mind that people like Kaledin, Krasnov, Chernetsov, Drozdovsky, Kappel and thousands of others, who were not in the least involved in the February events, did their duty with honor when the enslavement of their homeland began. Therefore, I repeat once again - you should not be superficial about this period and the behavior of people in it. (2009; )

• Forum member: what you are talking about is the easiest way to internal consolation - to blame the external environment for all the troubles, find the culprit from the outside and blame all the troubles on him. For some, only Masons are to blame for everything, for others it is only Jews, for others it is only Russians, etc. You know, sometimes with me, when you meet misunderstanding, envy, anger, stupid refusals, it seemed in elementary matters, and sometimes even direct confrontation, rage arises at those who are the bearers of all this. And then this rage, filling the consciousness, causes only one desire: to isolate oneself from them, to find those who understand you and want the same as you. Immediately emerges the image of a real enemy on the one hand, and the alleged community of like-minded people on the other. In your case, this is the unity of the Cossacks in their original way of life, as opposed to the Russian endless confrontation with each other and self-destruction. The idea is tempting and pleasing to the heart, but absolutely utopian and wrong. And the point here is not whether the Cossacks are a people, an ethnic group, or a special part of the Russian people. And not in the fact that today practically everyone who does not want to give up their conscience and wants to live in truth is persecuted by the authorities. Not that the government continues to rot the people, creating a bureaucratic system corrupted from top to bottom to suppress any rudiments of freedom and legality.

Our main problem lies in a completely different plane, and in a different sphere - in ourselves, in our soul.
When a person denies God's intercession and the main thing that is commanded - love, faith and hope, He allows a person to be convinced of his errors himself - but not in order to punish, but so that a person gains personal experience and this experience is for him and for other generations was realized and was saving.
The experience of the Cossacks is enormous, the experience of the Russians and the Russian Empire is also great. Everything in him is in plain sight, everything is practically clear and understandable, if you look at him not with fury in your heart, but soberly and courageously, without hysteria and prejudice.
1917 - elections of the Ataman of the Region of the Don Army Kaledin A.M.- general euphoria, an oath of allegiance, a desire to keep the Cossack life in the region. Cossacks-front-line soldiers are returning from the front, they do not put a penny on the stanitsa chieftains, old men, officers. Including from the Cossacks, Soviets are created. Oaths - on the side, instead of an ultimatum on the transfer of power from the Ataman to the Soviets. Ataman does not obey and begins to fight the Soviets. And all this is happening inside the region - no one calls anyone to go to Moscow, the only question is to protect the Don itself - inside - from Bolshevization, but everyone is sitting in their huts. On call Kaledina 120 officers and cadets come. 8 people reach the station!
For Ataman, this is treason, he committed suicide, unable to bear the shame. Nazarov A.M. is being asked to take his place. He agrees. At the time of the current meeting, Golubov runs in, drives out the Cossacks, and arrests Nazarov. No one rises to defend Ataman. He and Voloshinov are shot, but the bullet only wounds him. He crawls to the nearest house, knocks and asks to be let in. A Cossack woman comes to the threshold and drives him away from the door. All night Ataman lay bleeding in the yard, in the morning she came out and called the Reds, who came and finished him off with bayonets.
1918 They choose P.N. Krasnov as Ataman. Again, euphoria, an oath of allegiance, the Don Army Region becomes the Great Don Army, etc. With inhuman efforts, Pyotr Nikolaevich expels the Bolsheviks from the region, with the titanic labor of like-minded people he raises the industry and civil control of the region. But, forgetting about the oath and the Cossack brotherhood, on the northern front of the region 28 kaz. the regiment abandons the front and goes home, launching Red Guard detachments into the region.
And the Circle, at which the Cossacks expressed their distrust of the commander of the Don Army Denisov S.V., clearly understood that they were forcing Krasnov P.N. to leave his post. Who participated in this Circle? - Cossacks. It was thanks to them that Ataman retired.
This is on the one hand. On the other hand, behavior Volunteer Army and their leaders in their relations with the Cossacks - you can also cite a lot of flaws: and in the fact that in an effort to create public education to fight the Bolsheviks in the form of VVD until the end of the turmoil, many caused unjustified accusations of Don in separatism and persecution of Krasnov P.N. from the print media of the government of southern Russia.
This confrontation and mutual reproaches only further undermined the joint struggle and harmed the anti-Bolshevik struggle.
Once in exile, everyone gradually began to realize the tragedy that had occurred. Here is what N.F. wrote about this. Fedorov: “In the public consciousness of the Russian emigration, there was a great reassessment of values, a revision of the past. Of course, it was impossible to consider the revolution of 1917 as an unfortunate coincidence of circumstances, as many did, or to assume the participation of forces alien to Russia in it. Only naive people could think and believe in this after the experience of the Russian revolution—it was, of course, in the Russians themselves, in their very character, in the essence of Russian nature. Already here, in the Russian Diaspora, the realization has come of what it was great Russia, and the emigration began to mourn what we all lost, and there, in Russia itself, only later in the concentration camps and cellars of the emergency rooms they remembered the past, and the rural residents on the collective farms compared their life with the times of life in the empire, which began to seem fabulous - but all it was too late."
But there were others who again, for their own consolation, looked for enemies from outside. Independent currents arose in the Cossacks. A prominent representative of such movements was Bykadorov Isaak Fedorovich - Major General, commander of the 8th Army Corps in late 1918 - early 1919. Actively defending the ideology of independence, he saw how this idea was picked up by "foreign assistants" - the governments of Poland and the United States. The publications of the independentists, with a small composition of the Cossacks themselves and the absence of donations from them, were the largest and best designed in Abroad. He gradually began to understand that he was working to the detriment of the Cossacks and for the benefit of overseas well-wishers who wanted to divide both the Russians and the Cossacks according to ideological and national worldviews.
Having received irrefutable evidence of his fears, he subsequently made an appeal in the Cossack magazine: “... Acquaintance with the general situation, participation in the independent movement and knowledge of the situation around it, led me to the firm conviction that Cossack independence is not a blessing, but a great evil for the present and future Cossacks.” After that, he was subjected to the most severe attacks, which once again pointed to his correct conclusion.
And an example with another ideologue of independence Kudinov - the leader of the Veshensky uprising. After all, he was caught red-handed while transferring money from a Soviet agent to him to conduct such activities.
It is possible to further multiple examples- who benefited from independence and who fed its propaganda financially.
But, most importantly, to understand something else - what creates and what destroys. Creates and achieves results in joint construction and struggle. Believe me, there are very few people capable of action - everyone can discuss, but few are ready to do it, and if you still separate these “small ones” - then what will be left?
Unfortunately, today's stressful time (I have to deal with four courts) does not allow you to fully answer this rather complicated question in a more reasoned and detailed way, but, believe me, the ideology of independence being raised today, apart from harm and further separation, nothing good won't bring. If it were viable, then today its fruits would be visible, at least in some way. However, apart from article reproaches and further decomposition of the Cossack revival, there is nothing in the visible space. Think soberly, analytically, without clichés, realizing what our ancestors experienced, and maybe you will agree with me in some way. (2009; )

• Forum member: the link that you indicated is not a point of view, this, unfortunately, is the reality of today's ideology: mix everything together, sow chaos in people's minds, divert consciousness from the main thing and get bogged down in endless disputes about lies, which every time will take on new and new forms. How can you argue with a person who, looking at a white canvas, will claim that he is black? What arguments can you give him to convince him?

Therefore, there is no prospect of comprehensively discussing a clear lie. But to think about why this is being introduced into consciousness, why everything is so brazenly turned upside down, and what purpose these "points of view" pursue - this is necessary. And, in my opinion, this goal is obvious. The absurdity of all Kuptsov's statements is not so harmless. On the whole, today's generation living in Russia does not have a clearly formulated ideology and historical vision of the past era. On the one hand, Soviet myths have not been destroyed, on the other hand, new ones are being piled up, the truth is being squeezed out and a symbiosis of a new national idea built on half-truths is being created. But a half-truth is a kind of lie. And here, such fabrications of Kuptsov and his ilk (and there are a lot of them now) are the best fit. Here he claims that on his conscience Kaledina 300,000 corpses. And everyone will rush to discuss that not 300 thousand at all, that at the time of his atamanship, no more than one thousand died on both sides, and that he himself Kaledin fell victim to the Bolsheviks, etc. etc. But in this dispute the main thing will be missed - the essence of Bolshevism, the essence of the tragedy on the Don, when hordes of distraught Red Army soldiers rushed to destroy the age-old way of life of the Cossacks. But then he again has an answer that, they say, the Cossacks are just "small-skinned executioners" who robbed where there was no danger to their lives. And you will again prove the opposite, citing examples of the stamina of the Cossacks, their prowess and courage in all the wars of the Russian Empire, moving away from the main thing - from revealing the very essence of the satanic plan to decompose human dignity and turn it into an animal-like creature that does not know God. You need to think not about what Kuptsov wrote, you need to understand why he wrote it and, having understood, roll up your sleeves and do everything possible in your power to show the opposite of his statements by deeds and results. (...) (2009; )

• Temerev writes: "FROM Soviet power it was not so much the Cossacks as such that clashed, but rather the rather Russified and not even dreaming of independence foreman. She, as well as her Russian bosses, did not fit into her head that the Russian state, part of the mechanism that they were, would collapse (...) And our foreman, absolutely not ready for an independent role, was left without a master. Long before October 1917. a significant part of the educated layers of the Cossacks fled to "political apartments" from the "cadets" to the "Bolsheviks". But unfortunately, they did not constitute a single Cossack movement with the actual Cossack goals. (...) ... "The dead pulled the living to the grave." All of the above is true not only in relation to our intelligentsia - which in fact was not national, because. focused on the Russian intelligentsia, fed on its ideas, looked at the world through its eyes - but also in relation to a significant part of the higher officers. And this last one carried much more harm in itself ... (...) As for the higher well-born officers (the so-called foreman), no matter what we say about fraternal unity in the Cossack society, this is not about them (...) ... She, the sergeant-major, if you like - in fact - de-Cossacked... (...) foreman. (...) Our foreman, - to which A.M. Kaledin undoubtedly belonged, was not nationally oriented (...) So it is quite logical that the Cossacks as a whole came to the fateful events of the beginning of the century with rotten ideological baggage and grafted service reflexes.«

How similar it is to Bolshevik propaganda and that simple demagogy that had a deadly effect on the minds of people, where lies interspersed with grains of truth become the most insidious. The method is the same: let us abandon everything old and build a new one, despise the valiant and sing of animal instincts.
Let us take the Bolshevik press of 1917-1919. In it we read: Cossacks, you are deceived by your bourgeois generals who drink your working blood! ... Throw off the bloodsucking chieftains and take power into your own hands! ... The working Cossacks, defending the Cossack elite with their blood, dooms themselves to death in the revolutionary whirlwind of the masses ..."etc. etc.
How similar everything is. But why Kaledin A.M. three times refused the post of Ataman, and the Cossacks elected from the villages three times begged this "talking out" representative of the elite to accept the ataman's mace? Why Krasnova P.N. - also a representative of the "top" - also the Cossacks, having invited the Don to the Circle of Salvation, asked to become their Ataman? Why did the Cossacks doted on their leaders - Mamontov, Fitskhelaurov, Guselshchikov? Why did the Cossacks, scattered all over the world after the exodus, come to their Ataman in Abroad? Or did all these Cossacks also de-Cossack, and maybe they were no longer Cossacks, but were also henchmen? And the real Cossacks appeared just now, here, with us, in the post-Soviet space, reborn like a phoenix from the ashes? Such statements humiliate not only the military foreman, but also all the Cossacks who fought against Bolshevism. They downplay the significance of this struggle, expose the Cossacks not as national-minded, but deceived, downtrodden and dark. I was lucky to see these “downtrodden and dark” - and they were Cossacks, without any admixture of all the superficial things that are invented today, presented as the truth.

Do not be lazy - read their memoirs, essays in Cossack magazines. Surely we are so enlightened that for us their authority is senile insanity. No, dear, A. Temerev, it is with us, among the present, that everything denies young mind. With such statements you replace the awareness of the essence of Bolshevism with the national inconsistency and blindness of the Cossacks at the beginning of the last century. This is not only a substitution, but a diversion away from the awareness of the tragedy that has occurred, its causes and driving forces. (…) (2009; )

• (…) Interethnic contradictions are the favorite instrument of the struggle for power and resources for those who wish to acquire this power and these resources. In order for these contradictions to grow and obscure the true motivation of those who strive for these goals, it is necessary to create an environment that preaches these contradictions. An environment that, by manipulating one or another fact that really existed, could add its own conjectures and assumptions. And already on the basis of a newly formed information base, where it is difficult for an inexperienced person to separate truth from lies without turning off his consciousness, change his attitudes, instill a new scale of values.
  And this is clearly seen in a number of statements by nationalist Cossacks and in their information resource bases, as well as among today's Russian public thought.
  All the examples they cite are largely reduced to the period of the Civil War, when all of Russia moved against the Cossacks - both on the one hand and on the other, when the Cossacks, allegedly having contracted a small-town disease, did not want to fight Bolshevism.

But the main thing is that the Cossacks did not fight against Russia, they fought for their Faith, identity, way of life and form of government, against the forces that want to destroy it. The enemy was not Russia and not the Russian people, but what was born in it, of course, not without the connivance of Russian society. This is on the one hand.
On the other hand, it is also necessary to sensibly understand something else: the fall of the Russian Empire occurred as a result of the loss of the national self-consciousness of Russian society. Who rocked the throne, who allowed debauchery to seize many minds? Who fought for liberal "freedoms", denounced everything "Russian" as the most reactionary? Who created the gulf between the upper stratum of society, both political and cultural, and its popular masses? It was Russian society, in which the upper strata of society, increasingly moving away from the thick of the people, lost their Russianness, and the people themselves, being in constant dependence, did not acquire the proper state thinking and the institution of the owner on their land. Of course, this was also facilitated by those to whom the collapse of the Russian Empire was manna from heaven. But would they be able to do what they did if the whole society consciously opposed it? Of course not. After all, they could not shake the Cossacks. Who was practically the only force that stopped the revolutionary ferment in 1905-1906? Cossacks. They are like state thinking people, were aware of the tragedy of the impending chaos and were not subject to its corrupting influence. And what did they get in return for this concept, awareness and duty done? The spit of the very society they protected from destruction. "Satraps", "stranglers" - and these are the most harmless words addressed to the Cossacks from the liberal Russian intelligentsia, which already 12 years later reached out to the Don, seeking protection from these "satraps", from real satraps. The Empire was destroyed by the lack of national self-consciousness of the Russian society, which was preserved by the Cossacks and was an unshakable stronghold.
After February 1917, the time of freedom came - who reveled in it? Why did Russian society nominate Kerensky as its leader? Yes, Freemasons, yes, a conspiracy of "allies", but why the Cossacks elected not the same balabol - Kharlamov, but a person of a state mindset and conscience - General of the Russian Army Kaledin? Yes, because again the national identity of the Cossacks was above intrigue and idle talk. The state approach and the moral state of the Cossack environment clearly understood the troubles emanating from such "freedom".
And, finally, the Civil War - was it not the loss of the national self-consciousness of Russian society that lay at its basis? Making up only 2.5% of the Russian population of the Empire, the Cossacks made up 80% of all anti-Bolshevik forces, becoming its bonds and taking on all the hardships of this struggle. But what if 80% of Russian people stood up to defend their Fatherland? Then there would be no one to fight with - with a miserable bunch of Bolsheviks distraught with anger and hatred, they would have dealt with in one day! But these 80% of Russian people were not there, there were not even 8% ... And the point here is not the class. The main thing is the strong national self-consciousness of the Cossacks, which was abandoned by the majority of Russian society.
Realizing this and being a true patriot of Russia, with the same nationally strong core as all the Cossacks, Ataman P.N. Krasnov, seeing the destroyed statehood of Russia and the inability of Russian society to restore it, set about building his own state. He clearly understood that in the devastation that had come to pass, only the Cossacks, with their state self-consciousness and mature citizenship, without losing their own national self-consciousness, were able to build the foundation of the future. state structure. And no conspiracies and intrigues could prevent this, because both the upper layers of the Cossacks and their total weight were homogeneous, kindred and united in their state maturity and spiritual basis.
Ataman perfectly understood that the national self-consciousness of a citizen can only be realized when it is built into the hierarchical scheme of the state structure. National self-consciousness cannot exist outside this hierarchy. The bearer of national self-consciousness must feel like a particle of the state, and only then can it “materialize” into the reality of its existence. He also understood perfectly well that at the head of any state there should be a national elite, the basis of which would be innate moral basis and the state mind of uncorrupted consciousness. Therefore, he immediately destroyed the "parity" principle proposed in his time Kaledin. On the Don land, he built the future of Russia, its national essence. And if the leaders of the White Armies understood him, then they would not fight for the United and Indivisible Russia, which Russian society itself has already destroyed, but for the Great Don Army, a fragment of the former Russian power, created by the Cossacks with their own hands and capable of becoming the foundation and prototype of the future Russian devices.
It was not on overseas allies that one had to pin one's hopes, but on the Russian people. To fight for his recovery from the frenzy of international "brotherhood and equality." To eliminate the abyss that divided Russian society and Russian people. On the national self-consciousness of the Cossacks, not spoiled by the madness that is being created. Supporting them in this, and not urging them on separatism and independence. The Cossacks built what the Russian society refused - they built a national state organism in the chaos of international frenzy surrounding them.
And there should be no prejudice or self-consolation in this either. It is necessary to draw conclusions from everything that happened. Not to snatch out individual episodes that defend this or that point of view, but to clearly and fundamentally treat the facts that have happened and realize their reasons (...) (2010;)

• Forum member: people are not divided historically, creating whites, reds, greens. There are those who remain part of the people, observing all the principles that this people created - Faith, the principles of moral life, the foundations of the social and social structure, the state mind, and those who came out of this people, considering the above foundations to be vicious or inadequate.

Chernetsov is part of the people, Podtelkov is his traitor,

Kaledin is part of the people, Mironov is his traitor,
Krasnov is part of the people, Golubov is a traitor.
Traitors are outcasts of any nation and any morality. If you want to put traitors on a par with those whom they betrayed, this will be the “gray-brown-crimson” Cossack Idea.
There are things where compromises are necessary, inevitable and important, and there are those compromises that initially destroy any action later. And this is one of those.
There are no “red”, “white”, “green”, “amusing”, “asphalt” Cossacks, etc. There are Cossacks - period. And those who betrayed the Cossacks are traitors who refused the Cossacks . (2011; )

• (…) Politics is the same business as any other, and people with appropriate moral qualities make it “dirty” or dishonest. It is not necessary to present politics in the form of some kind of machine for the destruction of the soul, which is not worth a hundred miles to approach. Kaledin, Krasnov- creating a political structure on the Cossack lands - they were politicians and did not become flawed or urged on.
  - it is necessary to realize that the political movement, the basis of which should be the Cossacks, is not able to create one person, and a group, even very strongly soldered like-minded people, is not able to create it either. Remember the creation of a control system in the Cossack lands Ataman Kaledin, when after February the state machine began to fall apart, or by Ataman Krasnov, when it had already collapsed. Who was the initiator and main active force that came together to restore law and order? The Cossacks themselves - they gathered on the Circle and invited the most worthy representatives of their people to it, putting at their disposal power, authority and their readiness to serve the Ataman.

Not vice versa - as today. It was the people's purpose, the people's desire and that sense of necessity present in every Cossack soul - to establish justice, law and order. Cossacks came not to bargain - they will promise something Ataman, and they will see if this is enough or not. They came and gave their own - faithful service and their determination.
Our life must depend on ourselves. From our will, from our aspirations, from our ability to independently organize power, choosing from our community worthy individuals capable of state building. (…) (2012; )

• (...) Consider the situation in Russia and in the Cossack troops at the end of 1916, and then in 1917. In 1916, all the monarchist and right-wing parties in Russia, instead of real action to find, support and subsequently nominate people capable of leading public administration at the proper level, they threw most of their energy into ideological fuss. As in 1917, all Russian political forces concentrated their attention on ideological strife among themselves, leaving the issue of state building secondary, which first caused ideological chaos in society, and subsequently the victory of the Bolsheviks .

But on the Cossack lands, they decided a practical question there: whom to choose so that he could establish peace and order on the Cossack lands. And they chose not on ideological grounds, but on the basis of the work, the accomplishments that this person had already accomplished, the practical baggage that was behind him and that was evaluated during the selection.

So chose and Kaledin A.M., Krasnov P.N. was chosen in this way. - it was not their ideological views that were evaluated, but their experience, their capabilities and abilities. That is why law and justice reigned, at least for a while, in our Lands, where the Russian refugees reached, breaking out of chaos and created despotism . (…) (2012; )

• forum member: (...) Here you write: “All these federations and confederations, to the idea of ​​which Kaledin and Krasnov turned to out of hopelessness, in reality showed their utter impotence. And the last project (of the Kuban Rada) ended in zilch and capitulation without a fight.

Question: but where does this hopelessness come from in the same Kaledina and Krasnova arose? Not from the fact that the Russian intelligentsia and part of the ruling elite slept and saw in order to "rule" in the country, which was ruled by the Monarch, having thrown him off the throne. And dropping, we decided to arrange new form government, first exercising with the republic, and only then with the dictatorship of the proletariat. "Federations and confederations" were indeed created out of desperation, but not in order to show their separatism, but in order to prevent the same madness in their own country.

Were there persons in the Russian public who assumed responsibility, declared this responsibility to everyone and called on the same Cossacks to share this responsibility and restore order in the state? No. The so-called Kornilov rebellion was, indeed, "puff and capitulation without a fight," which you mentioned in your post about the Kuban Rada.
To answer all your comments, as I said, the forum is not possible. You raise too many, very serious questions, especially since I have already answered most of them in my messages.
I can only briefly answer on those points in which I can not agree with you: “How interesting it turns out for you, Vladimir Petrovich, - the Russians (Great Russians?) are to blame for everything, but everyone else has nothing to do with it. There were only a few generals who encouraged the Sovereign to resign. But everyone was to blame, including the Cossacks, for their indifference to the fate of the Sovereign and the monarchy. The Cossack intellectuals were the same socialists and cadets, and because of this, they could not but oppose the monarchy.
There can be no universal fault. With equality of forces and positions, the one responsible for the defeat is always the commander. The fact that the Sovereign remained defenseless is the fault of the highest generals and the General Staff. The fault of the fact that the Monarchy was swaying is the Russian intelligentsia. The fault is that the mistake made, already visible and obvious, literally a month after February, turned into the mess that began to happen both in the Army and in society - in the absence of persons among the Russian elite of that time who could take responsibility for stopping the impending chaos. Kaledin A.M., not resigned to this situation, was expelled from the Army by Brusilov, who scoffed at the future Ataman, saying that he "lost his heart and does not understand the spirit of the times," And how many such generals "who do not understand the spirit of the times" were expelled from the Army by those who understood this "darling". (...) (2012; )

• (...) The forum member writes: “The Cossacks had neither their Masaryks, nor their Pilsudskis, nor their Mannerheims, and now everything is being done to prevent them from appearing. Objectively, you are on the side of these forces, anti-Cossack in essence.
  - through which such personalities are completely discarded in the Cossack liberation struggle, as Kaledin, Nazarov, Krasnov, betrayed and not supported by part of the Cossacks and therefore, in order to justify this betrayal, it is argued that they were not national leaders, and therefore were not supported by "simple Cossacks". And of course - another substitution, the same as in the 18th: since primitive tasks that really do not solve anything, but coming from "ordinary Cossacks" are not supported, then this force is "anti-Cossack in essence."

Well, let it be “anti-Cossack” in your understanding. Then, where are yours, who grew up in your environment - the Cossack Masaryks, Pilsudskis and Mannerheims - they are not. Or is it not the Masaryks that matter, but the people who did not betray their leaders and stood up for them to the end? And what is being done today so that they do not appear among you? It seems to me, on the contrary: none of the obvious leaders is persecuted for this, on the contrary - complete freedom. (...) (2012;)

• Of course, preaching is a powerful weapon for cultivating the Spirit, but not enough if a person remains deaf to it. You can endlessly blame the preachers for your deafness until you pull the plugs out of your ears yourself. The fact is that the right view, the right offense, the right action is carried out by a person who differs from others in wisdom, courage, Faith. Such people appear exclusively in that environment, which both trust in God and live in the hope of His help, clearly realizing that this help can come only through Faith and the piety that he follows. Therefore, those who “hope” and “live in hope” give birth from their midst to leaders, generals, public figures, industrialists, who are the creators on their land, and not robots that follow mediocre instructions and constantly fawn over any master. Being creators themselves, they lead others, making them similar to themselves.(…)

See who were the same Kaledin A.M., Krasnov P.N. and many other leaders of the Cossacks, who showed sacrificial love for their Fatherland and those who gave their lives for it? And what were the Cossacks who responded to the call of Peter Nikolaevich to form the Don Army, which completely cleared the Don of the Bolsheviks in 3 months? - All of them were people who lived according to their conscience, and fought with those who wanted to destroy and trample their conscience and dignity.
If people like them lived today, among us, then on the forums we would discuss completely different issues. And since there are none, here we are, like blind kittens, and we go round, first in one direction, then in the other, looking for the truth, passing by it, and not noticing it. (2013; )

CM. ALSO:

• COSSACKS
• ATAMAN AUTHORITY
• BOLSHEVISM
• and etc.

P.s. The pages of the Encyclopedia are constantly replenished and updated as new posts by V.P. Melikhova on the forum.