The Union of the Russian People, the national question briefly. Party "Union of the Russian People" (RRN). VIII. Public education

The monarchist parties of the government camp arose only during the revolution of 1905-1907, after the publication of the Tsar's Manifesto on October 17, 1905. These parties were created under the direct influence of the revolutionary movement and in opposition to it.

Before the start of the revolution, the autocracy did not recognize any public organizations, even for its own protection. The activities of the landowner circles were not political in nature. They were more like clubs uniting ideological supporters of autocracy.

The first legal monarchist organization appeared in October - November 1900 in St. Petersburg under the name “Russian Assembly”. The charter of this circle was approved in January 1901 by Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs P.N. Durnovo and provided for the study of the phenomena of Russian and Slavic folk life, the development of issues of Russian and generally Slavic literature, arts, national economy, and the preservation of the purity and correctness of Russian speech.

The members of the “Russian Assembly” were noble nobles, high-ranking officials and military men, and some artists. As the revolution grew, it increasingly became the center of gravity of all government forces. It was here that the political slogans of the extreme right were tested, and the future leaders of the Black Hundred were selected. .

In November 1905, after the Manifesto of October 17, the “Russian Assembly” published its election program, which became common to all right-wing organizations. It stated that autocracy was not abolished by the Manifesto; The State Duma should not change anything in the basic laws, but can only carry out business development and discussion of legislative proposals, and oversee the actions of state authorities. Separate points affirmed the need to maintain the dominant position of the Orthodox Church; it was noted that the tsar should not be identified with the government; The government bears full responsibility for the policies pursued in the country. Russian language was recognized as the state language; Jews were accused of hostility to Christianity and a desire for world domination. .

But “The Russian Assembly, rather, was a political salon. Beginning in January 1905, noble class circles and organizations became more active, and the process of their renewal began. Many monarchical organizations emerge in various regions of the country. All of them defended the inviolability of autocracy, landownership, and sought to preserve the political system.

In April 1905, the “Union of Russian People” and the “Russian Monarchist Party” were formed, and in the fall of the same year, when political activity ceased to be considered a state crime - numerous Black Hundred organizations arose: “Union of the Russian People”, “People’s Party of Order”, “Union of Law and Order”, “Society for Active Struggle against the Revolution”, “White Banner”, “Double-Headed Eagle”, etc.

Black Hundreds in Russia have their own history. The very definition of “Black Hundred” initially had the most innocent meaning. In Rus', the “Black Hundred” was the name given to the tax-paying townspeople, ordinary Russian people. This historical parallel has often been used for propaganda purposes. In the “Manual of the Monarchist – Black Hundred”, the rhetorical question: “Is the title “Black Hundred” honorable? - an affirmative answer is given: “Yes, very honorable. The Nizhny Novgorod Black Hundred, gathered around Minin, saved Moscow and all of Russia from the Poles and Russian traitors.”

Of course, at the beginning of the twentieth century, the Black Hundreds in the previous sense no longer existed. This name was revived in 1905 on newspaper pages as a contemptuous nickname. She firmly stuck to the participants in the pogroms in 1905-1906, and later to all the extreme right.

The Black Hundreds supported the government, stood for an autocratic monarchy, for police power, and for the preservation of all landowners' land. A prominent figure in the monarchist party, Iliodor, wrote in “The Truth about the Union of the Russian People,” published in Odessa in 1907, that they want to revive the ancient brotherhood, so that Russian people do not offend each other, so that landowners and rich people in general do not offend peasants and their subordinates , and the peasants would not go to war against the landowners. So that everyone can unanimously stand up for each other against foreigners, especially Jews and Poles, who have taken possession of the riches of our native land and are sucking the last juice out of the Russian people.

In general, the Black Hundreds were convinced of the inherent depravity of democratic principles; they believed that a weak or vicious monarch could bring great harm, but this was preferable to a power struggle between politicians. Democracy is a fraud. No matter how the electoral system is structured, the mass of the people always participates in only a small share of the vote. But they did not have a unified view on this issue either. Some of them no longer denied the need for legislative institutions, others spoke out for their replacement by legislative and advisory popular representation (Zemsky Sobor). Still others continued to insist on the restoration of an unlimited autocratic regime. However, these differences in views did not prevent the Black Hundreds from unanimously criticizing the government bureaucracy, including senior officials.

Idealizing traditional and patriarchal foundations, the Black Hundreds were aware of the inevitability of the development of capitalism. They directed the anti-bourgeois charge of their criticism only at some aspects of it that were unacceptable to them (monopolies, excessive enthusiasm for foreign investment, etc.). The monarchist press even demanded that all existing syndicates and trusts be outlawed. According to the Black Hundreds, the state should actively intervene in the economy, regulate the national composition of entrepreneurs and at the same time, in order to preserve and strengthen Russia’s special path of development, promote the development of national industry, focusing on medium and small industry, various handicrafts.

The ideological “backbone” of the Black Hundreds was based on the old “triangle” of Count Uvarov: autocracy - Orthodoxy - nationality, which was modernized by evil calls for all Russian patriots to unite and defend the faith, the tsar and the fatherland from the internal enemy.

And Russia, according to the Black Hundreds, had three enemies: the foreigner, the intellectual and the dissident, and they were perceived inextricably. In a multinational empire, it is impossible to fight the revolution without fighting the national liberation movement. It is impossible to suppress other peoples without suppressing your own intelligentsia with its democratic and international traditions. It is impossible to hate the intelligentsia and at the same time love advanced ideas. Everything is interconnected.

The image of a villain-foreigner has traditionally been used in counter-revolutionary propaganda. However, the image itself was changing. For almost the entire 19th century, the foreign villain was the Pole. But at the turn of the century the villain changed his nationality and became a Jew. True, even later the Poles were considered an “unreliable” nation, but anti-Semitism became the dominant direction of right-wing ideology.

Why did such a metamorphosis occur? In the 19th century, the most powerful national liberation movement was the Polish one. Its culmination was the uprising of 1863, which made a huge impression on all of Russia. Therefore, it is no coincidence that the revolutionary struggle began to be associated with the Polish people. In addition, the Poles were Catholics, i.e. Gentiles. This is how a stereotype developed that was actively used in the conservative ideology of the 19th century.

At the turn of the century, mass national - liberation movement already covers many nations, and the Poles are losing their aura of exclusivity. Capitalism is developing, in whose interests it is the elimination of national isolation of peoples and national inequality. Meanwhile, in Russia the nation that was among the first to enter the stage of capitalism turned out to be the most disenfranchised.

Even V. Rozanov, who cannot be accused of tender love for Jews, considered their situation in Russia completely unbearable for any other people. Russian Jews were limited in their right to choose their place of residence; they were prohibited from living in the internal provinces of Russia and Siberia. The restrictions of the Pale of Settlement did not apply to merchants of the first guild, persons with higher education, paramedics, dentists, midwives, and artisans. Since 1891, the residence of Jewish artisans in Moscow and the Moscow province was prohibited and their mass evictions were carried out. In 1893, Rostov-on-Don and Taganrog were excluded from the Pale of Settlement.

The arrival and temporary stay of Jews in the internal provinces was subject to numerous restrictions, violation of which entailed various measures of administrative responsibility. They were not allowed to acquire ownership or lease of real estate outside the cities and towns of the Pale of Settlement province, regardless of their place of residence (since 1903). At the same time, the right of industry and trade, and the right of education were limited.

Jews were excluded from participating in city and zemstvo elections, were not promoted to officer ranks, and were practically not accepted into public service. According to the laws Russian Empire there was no way a Jew could become either a farmer or a cattle breeder.

Therefore, it is not surprising that the struggle for emancipation, delayed in comparison with Europe by 100 years, increasingly involved Jewish youth in both the national liberation and revolutionary movements. Accordingly, both were interconnected, because only after the overthrow of the autocracy and the conquest of democratic freedoms could Jews count on equal rights with other peoples.

At the beginning of the 20th century, the far-right camp considered Jews the main culprits of the revolutionary unrest. The official goal of the Black Hundreds was to “excite the energy of the Jews to move as quickly as possible to their own state and establish their own economy.”

Hatred of Jews (aka revolutionaries) was inextricably linked with hatred of one’s own Russian intelligentsia.

Of course, the Russian intelligentsia was not a homogeneous mass. But not a single outstanding figure of Russian culture joined the Black Hundreds. But the anger against them was strong. “Christ-sellers”, “vile hirelings”, “traitors to the motherland”, “intelligentsia riffraff”, “kike-lovers”, “kike-tails” - such “compliments” were awarded in the right-wing press to Leo Tolstoy, Chekhov, Gorky, Leonid Andreev, Merezhkovsky, Miliukov, Nabokov , Maklakov, Zarudny.

The Black Hundred press is also characterized by elements of age-related conservatism: distrust of young people, hostility to their tastes and sympathies.

The simplicity with which all the troubles of the fatherland were attributed to the internal enemy made the Black Hundred ideology convenient for the philistine consciousness. But the complete absence of creative demands testified to her weakness. The Black Hundreds promised nothing and offered nothing except to beat Jews, revolutionaries, liberals, and intellectuals. Even in the western provinces, where there was more fertile ground for national discord, the Black Hundred movement began to decline by the end of the revolution of 1905-1907. The inability of the Black Hundreds to propose a positive program had an effect.

According to the Black Hundreds themselves, they were united by the national character of the movement of “true Russian people.” In their printed leaflets, they addressed exclusively the “triune Russian people,” which also included Ukrainians and Belarusians, without recognizing them as independent nations. Their distinctive culture was looked down upon, and their languages were considered vernacular dialects.

They did not classify all Russians as “true Russians,” only supporters of monarchist beliefs, and the most extreme ones at that. Consequently, the Black Hundred movement was still not national, but one of the political ones. The list of “true Russian leaders” was replete with Moldavian, Greek, Georgian and German surnames: Gringmut, Dumbadze, Purishkevich. He welcomed the “Union of the Russian People” and Muslims. There was an attempt to create a “Muslim Union of the Russian People from the Kazan Tatars.” At the same time, the category of “Jews and Jewish people” included princes Pavel and Peter Dolgorukov, P.N. Milyukova.

Constantly emphasizing the revolutionary nature of the Jews, their desire for a republic, parliamentary democracy, and freedom, the Black Hundreds attributed to their own people (except for the seditious intelligentsia) political conservatism, obedience to authorities, hatred of dissent, and rejection of the rule of law.

The godfather of the Russian Black Hundreds can confidently be considered the chief of the political investigation service, director of the Police Department, Minister of Internal Affairs of Russia V.K. Plehve. It was he who, at the beginning of the twentieth century, began to create organizational structures Black Hundreds, selecting personnel for them. The material source of existence for the extreme right was the government, and this was not hidden. Subsidies were also issued from secret funds of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. Money also came from merchants, landowners, and entrepreneurs. Annually, subsidies received by the Black Hundred treasury from all sources amounted to 250-300 thousand rubles. . But the aid did not cover the costs. One of the prominent Black Hundreds N.E. Markov, receiving a thick bag of money from the hands of the Minister of Internal Affairs, grumbled every time: “Why are you giving me nothing?”

The extreme right enjoyed the sympathy of the highest authorities. The governors assisted Black Hundred propaganda. But the monarchists relied on the most conservative advisers. At the same time, the Chairman of the Council of Ministers, Count S.Yu. Witte was considered almost the leader of the revolution and they even planted bombs in his house. The famous Black Hundred leader Hieromonk Iliodor called for ministers to be flogged with rods every week, like Jewish Masons, and for Stolypin to be flogged on Wednesdays and Fridays, so that he would remember the fast days.

In turn, the government fined and closed the most rabid Black Hundred newspapers; for the demagogic attacks of the Black Hundreds on the tsarist government, they were even called “revolutionaries on the right.”

As you know, all parties and movements were famous for some particularly favorite tactics. The Black Hundreds have a monopoly on pogrom tactics. Back in 1902 in Saratov, in 1903 in Chisinau and Gomel, the so-called “Russian patriots” beat demonstrators and organized pogroms. The targets of the beatings were foreigners and the democratic intelligentsia. Individual terror was also practiced. From October 17 to November 1, 1906, pogroms took place in 358 populated areas, resulting in 1,622 deaths and 3,544 injuries. . Interesting facts about the Black Hundred squads. Their main function was to provide direct assistance to the police in the fight against the revolutionary movement. In 1906-1907 they existed in 11 cities. . The authorities at all levels not only condoned the Black Hundreds, but also provided them with direct assistance, including the supply of weapons.

The “Union of the Russian People”, created on November 8, 1905 in St. Petersburg, became a mass political Black Hundred organization. The supreme body of the “Union” was a joint meeting of members - the Founders and the Main Council. The newspaper "Russian Banner" was the printed organ.

The Main Council was in charge of all current affairs and consisted of 12 full members and 18 candidates. Every 3 years the Council was supposed to be renewed, but only by a quarter. The Main Council elected the Chairman, his two deputies and the treasurer.

The Chairman was endowed with exclusive powers, elected for life, and could leave the position only at his own request, while remaining Honorary Chairman. .

The Chairman of the Main Council of the “Union of the Russian People” was Alexander Ivanovich Dubrovin, Doctor of Medicine, State Councilor. He graduated from the Medical-Surgical Academy and worked in an orphanage. Then he went into private practice. He edited the Black Hundred anti-Semitic newspaper "Russian Banner". He was the organizer of a number of political murders, incl. On his instructions, an attempt was being made on the life of the cadet leader P.N. Milyukova. In the fall of 1920, he was arrested by the Cheka, and in December 1920 he was sentenced to death for organizing a number of murders, pogroms, and arson. .

His deputy was Vladimir Mitrofanovich Purishkevich and Alexander Iosifovich Trishatny. Purishkevich is a large landowner in the Bessarabian province. He graduated with honors from Novorossiysk University, wrote satires in poetry and prose, and proved himself to be an excellent speaker. An intelligent and merciless politician, he served in the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Plehve from 1900. He was a deputy of the II, III, IV State Duma. He became widely known for his pogrom, anti-Semitic speeches in the Duma. Trishatny is an engineer, author of the Charter of the Union of Russian People, organizer of district departments of the party. .

Among the leaders of the “Union” were the famous philologist, academician A.I. Sobolevsky, son of the famous poet A.A. Maikov, literary critic and Pushkin scholar B.V. Nikolsky. The Black Hundreds were supported by the religious philosopher Archbishop Anthony of Volyn, who knew F.M. well. Dostoevsky and served as a prototype for Alyosha Karamazov in his youth. As we see, people are different. But all of them had an imperial mindset. They saw that the empire was faltering and reacted accordingly.

The social base of the RNC was: the large and middle-sized landed nobility, a small part of the bourgeoisie, the civil and military bureaucracy, whose economic and social interests were closely connected with the autocracy and were protected by it - these were governors and mayors, landowners and other officials, even ministers. There were representatives of the clergy and intelligentsia, the peasantry and workers. Black Hundred organizations were created in student environment, but the number of their members did not exceed 5-10% of the total student body. .

In the conflict between labor and capital, the Black Hundreds took on a peacekeeping mission. Their program stated that the RNC calls on both owners, manufacturers and their representatives, and workers to try to resolve the misunderstandings, disputes, and discords that arise between them amicably, according to God, following the commandments of the Lord.

They promised assistance in the possibility of reducing the working day, state insurance in cases of death, injury, illness and old age, and streamlining working conditions. In addition, Black Hundreds were hired first of all, since their reliability was beyond doubt.

The Black Hundred “Society for Active Struggle against Revolution and Anarchy” opened several canteens in St. Petersburg for needy workers, and the Moscow department organized a free library and evening literacy courses. At " Economic Union“In St. Petersburg there was a labor bureau to find places for the unemployed. At the Putilov plant, the Bolsheviks and the Black Hundreds divided spheres of influence. The Bolsheviks gained a foothold in the “cold” workshops, the Black Hundreds - in the “hot” (rolling, open-hearth) shops. This was explained by the fact that in the “hot” shops skilled workers earned very decent money - 80-100 rubles. per month, and did not have the slightest desire to participate in strikes.

The agricultural part of the RNC program provided for the inviolability of private property, the sale of state-owned lands to peasants on favorable terms for them, and increased assistance to settlers. At the same time, the need was emphasized to simplify the procedure for peasants selling their lands and leaving the community. .

As we see, the Black Hundreds did not have an effective agrarian program. Yet a significant number of the Union members were peasants. The fact is that the peasants acted as instruments of other forces. Often the initiative to open RNC departments came from local landowners. The example of the clergy, most of whom supported the Black Hundreds, was of great importance.

You can cite an excerpt from a police report, which also explains the secret of peasant “sympathies” for the RNC: “In some villages, the number of those who joined the “Union of the Russian People” reaches 600-700 people. Collections are underway to purchase the Allied flag and Allied badges. The “Union” agitator recommends that you rush to stock up on badges, the owners of which will be exempt from zemstvo taxes and will take part in the upcoming division of the land of the lords in the very near future... These new indulgences are especially eagerly bought up by peasants who have a large number of sons, the more badges, the more more plots."

There are no exact data on the size of the RNC. It must be borne in mind that the majority of members of the RNC were members of it nominally: when recruiting them, the Black Hundreds often enrolled entire villages, streets, and enterprises in the departments, including children on the lists. The leaders of the RNC claimed that their ranks included up to 3 million people. Their opponents believed that the “Union” “even during periods of its greatest prosperity had several thousand, at most 1-2 tens of thousands of permanent members throughout Russia.” Based on archival research by S.A. Stepanov established that at the end of 1907 - beginning of 1908. in 2208 settlements there were 2229 departments of monarchist organizations of various types. Their total number was approximately 410 thousand people.

The ultimate goal of the RNC's activities was determined by the introduction in the country of a strict, lasting legal order based on the unity and indivisibility of royal power, based on the unity of the king with the people. Deliberative popular representation represented by the State Duma was recognized.

Developing the right tactics in relation to the Duma was an important political task for all parties in Russia. The monarchists fundamentally rejected the Duma, which had legislative rights, but took an active part in the elections, declaring that they were thereby fulfilling the will of the monarch.

The Duma of the first convocation was supposed to meet after the defeat of the December armed uprising, which gave hope. In addition, the elections were held according to the law of December 11, 1905, according to which a significant advantage was given to the peasants. This also suited the monarchists. However, the right suffered a crushing defeat. Only one deputy from the right-wing bloc with the Octobrists ended up in the Duma. Moreover, such an association was rather an exception, because The monarchists refused to agree with the Octobrists because of constitutional views. It was impossible for the monarchists to pass their ideas through the Duma, and they began to fight against it with their own means.

During the elections of the Second Duma, the monarchists secured the support of the government; even police officers were registered as voters. 10 right-wingers and monarchists entered. Together with the Octobrists - 54 deputies. In the Duma, being in the minority, they resorted to scandals and abuse of their opponents. They were repeatedly punished by expulsion from the Duma meeting hall. It was with the help of these parties that the Second State Duma was dissolved.

After the dissolution of the Duma, a new regulation on elections is introduced. One vote of the landowner was equal to 4 votes of the bourgeoisie, 65 votes of the urban petty bourgeoisie, 260 votes of peasants and 550 votes of workers. The third election campaign was more successful. 168 members of the RNC and non-party rightists entered the Duma.

Everyone roughly knows what a pogrom is. An ecstatic crowd walks through the streets, destroys shops, shops, apartments, beats and kills people, making no distinction between men, women, and children.

Pogroms have occurred in Russia before. But only in the twentieth century did they acquire a political overtones, and only in the twentieth century did they turn into the tactics of an entire political movement.

The most common were Jewish pogroms. But in the Caucasus, the duties of Jews were performed by Armenians, and in Russia - by Russian intellectuals and students. Psychologically this is quite understandable. The state structure and the usual way of life collapsed. The majority of the people were not prepared for democratic changes. In Yekaterinburg, for example, one journalist had his head broken for trying to read aloud the Tsar’s manifesto on freedoms.

The Democrats, on the other hand, did not take into account the conservatism of thinking and paid little attention to the feelings of people who retained faith in their former ideals. Imperial monograms were thrown from the facades, portraits of the crown bearer and busts of his ancestors were destroyed. In some places they collected money for the “coffin of Nicholas II.” Naturally, this caused outrage.

This is how Bishop Anthony, who did not suffer from Judeophilia, spoke about the pogroms: “...At this very time, outside the walls of the churches, a drunken, brutal crowd broke into Jewish houses, robbed the property of the residents, tormented people, not sparing the old man and the baby. Women were dishonored, infants were torn apart in front of their mothers, and their corpses were thrown out of windows into the street along with the goods of Jewish stores. And there the greedy crowd, not noticing the bloody bodies, rushed through them to clothes and jewelry and grabbed for themselves everything that came to hand; the robbers enriched themselves with things drenched in the blood of the unfortunate victims.”

It was not the landowners and capitalists who took part in the pogroms, but the lower classes of society: small traders, artisans, workers, janitors, and simply the urban plebs. Few of them were satisfied with their lives before 1905, but they all saw that life was not improving due to rallies, demonstrations and continuous strikes, but was becoming more and more complicated. Not everyone could understand that revolutionary ferment was not the cause, but a consequence of the national crisis.

Naturally, the leaders of the RNC denied pogrom activities. The pogroms were presented as the holy revenge of the Russian people for the machinations of foreigners, and responsibility for the murders was placed on Zionist or far-left groups. It must be said that terrorist acts and “expropriations” organized by the Socialist Revolutionaries and Bolsheviks provided a good “service” to Black Hundred propaganda.

In the proclamations of the RNC, along with the slogans “Russia, first of all, for the Russians!”, “Let us unite the Russian people, all without distinction of classes, into a strong inextricable union for the Faith, for the Tsar and the Fatherland! But let us firmly remember that our Union is a Union of peace and love!”, there were calls to “unite in circles, make lists of all seditious people and rebels in cities and villages, beat them to whomever, how and with whatever is most convenient, at night, from around the corner, through the windows."

Among the Black Hundreds, denunciation was considered an unconditional civic virtue. As follows from the Charter, it was possible to denounce anyone. Sometimes the denunciations were full of absurdity and testified to the intellectual level of the informers. For example: “Revolutionaries, authorities, nobles, politicians and other revolutionary bastard are grouped around the doctor Gindin,” or: “I consider it necessary to report that I learned from reliable sources that our Sakhalin Count S.Yu. Witte suffers from progressive cerebral palsy. I think that my message to you is useful.”

The main focus was on primitive incitement of national hatred. The “Union of the Russian People” was active only in areas with a multinational population. The NRC was most active in Ukraine and Belarus – regions with a mixed population. And in 15 provinces of the “Pale of Settlement” more than half of all members of the Union were concentrated. .

In provinces with underdeveloped industry there were 49.4% of members of extreme right-wing organizations, respectively, in moderately developed ones - 21.6%, in highly developed ones - 29%. .

The Black Hundreds divided all nations into “friendly” and “hostile”. The criterion was participation or non-participation in the revolutionary and national movement. Non-Russian population of the Volga region, Central Asia and Siberia was considered loyal, while Finns, Poles, Armenians, and Caucasian “natives” were classified as “hostile foreigners.”

In the fall of 1907, Purishkevich, Vostorgov, Andreev and others left the RNC, and in 1908 they approved the “Russian people's union named after Michael the Archangel." The only difference between the new union and the old was that its leaders recognized the need for the existence of legislative institutions.

Realizing, however, that the dispersion of forces harms the public cause, in February 1910, the Main Council of the RNC and the Main Chamber of the Union of Michael the Archangel entered into an agreement. But it was at this time that another split occurred in Dubrovin’s union. A movement of “renovationists” stood out in it. As a result, opponents of renewal separated themselves into the All-Russian Union of the Russian People under the leadership of Dubrovin. They reproached the renovationists for abandoning the idea of autocratic power and for implementing the principle of democracy in the form of zemstvo-conciliar representation of the population in the State Duma. In addition, the renovationists unconditionally defended Stolypin’s agrarian reform and the idea of destructing the community. The Dubrovintsy took the community under their protection, considering it the only possible counterbalance to Western European socialism.

In the Fourth Duma, the position of right-wing monarchist parties strengthened, but it was not possible to save the autocracy. The “swan song” of the Black Hundreds was the murder of Grigory Rasputin, since he discredited the monarchy. In November 1916, Purishkevich delivered sensational news to the State Duma, which ended with the words: “Let Grishka Rasputin not be the leader of our internal and foreign policy" For the first time, a far-right speaker was applauded by the left side of the Duma. On December 17, the elder was killed in the Yusupov palace. And after just 2 months, the Black Hundreds left the political arena. They are self-destructing at a time when the monarchy needs protection more than ever.

It was the only party that ceased to exist immediately after the February Revolution. Its central organ, the newspaper “Russian Banner,” was banned by a resolution of the Petrograd Soviet in the first days of March 1917. But no one officially closed the organization itself.

The activities of the Black Hundreds become the subject of investigation by a special emergency investigative commission of the Provisional Government. But the commission did not have time to draw any conclusions. The October Revolution interfered. By this time there was the only underground organization in Petrograd, created by Purishkevich. A connection was established with the white movement, weapons were purchased, and an assassination attempt was planned on Lenin and Trotsky. But the organization failed, its members were tried by the Petrograd revolutionary tribunal. The trial was held openly, the defendants were defended by famous lawyers. Despite Purishkevich's statement that he could not help but fight the Soviet regime, he was granted amnesty. He would later die of typhus in Novorossiysk.

But already 2-3 months after Purishkevich’s amnesty, in connection with the “Red Terror,” other Black Hundreds were shot without trial. Some emigrated. And, for example, academician A.I. Sobolevsky became a full member of the USSR Academy of Sciences. Metropolitan of the Orthodox Church Western Europe After the war, Evlogy accepted Soviet citizenship.

Some leaders of the Union argued that the Black Hundreds were the forerunner of fascism. For example, N.E. Markov wrote: “If the government of that time had grown to understand what Mussolini subsequently understood in Italy, and instead of stubborn opposition would have supported and implemented the government’s saving idea of the need to rely Supreme power if the best part of the people were organized into powerful monarchical unions, the history of Russia would have been completely different.”

To a certain extent, the ideas of the Black Hundreds were brought to life... by the Bolsheviks. Autocracy remained, although in a different form. Legislative institutions existed only for appearances. Freedom of speech and assembly was eliminated. No wonder Sobolevsky wrote to his friends that he admired how the Bolsheviks crushed the hated liberals. And Metropolitan Evlogy accepted Soviet citizenship not by chance; he was admired by Stalin, who almost established the borders of the Russian Empire.

In 1923, the Weekly Journal of the Supreme Monarchical Council in Berlin wrote: “it is not for nothing that our enemies identify us with the fascists. Yes, we are fascists, special, Russians, and we sincerely envy the Italians in the fact that we have not yet crushed the enemy.”

It is no secret that the ideas of the Black Hundreds are consonant with the slogans of some organizations today. Chauvinism and anti-Semitism turned out to be very tenacious. The only hope is that the lessons of history were not in vain, and we will not again find ourselves in a political dead end.

In April 1905, the “Union of Russian People” and the “Russian Monarchist Party” were formed, and in the fall of the same year, when political activity was no longer considered a state crime, numerous Black Hundred organizations arose: “Union of the Russian People” “People’s Party of Order” “ Union of Law and Order", "Society for Active Struggle against Revolution", "White Banner", "Double-Headed Eagle", etc.

At the turn of the century, the massive national liberation movement was already covering many nations, and the Poles were losing their aura of exclusivity. Capitalism is developing, in whose interests it is the elimination of national isolation of peoples and national inequality. Meanwhile, in Russia the nation that was among the first to enter the stage of capitalism turned out to be the most disenfranchised.

Even V. Rozanov, who cannot be accused of tender love for Jews, considered their situation in Russia completely unbearable for any other people. Russian Jews were limited in their right to choose their place of residence; they were prohibited from living in the internal provinces of Russia and Siberia. The restrictions of the Pale of Settlement did not apply to merchants of the first guild, persons who had higher education, paramedics, dentists, midwives, artisans. Since 1891, the residence of Jewish artisans in Moscow and the Moscow province was prohibited and their mass evictions were carried out. In 1893, Rostov-on-Don and Taganrog were excluded from the Pale of Settlement.

Jews were excluded from participating in city and zemstvo elections; they were not promoted to officer ranks; public service were practically not accepted. According to the laws of the Russian Empire, a Jew could in no way become either a farmer or a cattle breeder.

Hatred of Jews (aka revolutionaries) was inextricably linked with hatred of one’s own Russian intelligentsia.

The Black Hundred press is also characterized by elements of age-related conservatism: distrust of young people, hostility to their tastes and sympathies.

The godfather of the Russian Black Hundreds can confidently be considered the chief of the political investigation service, director of the Police Department, Minister of Internal Affairs of Russia V.K. Plehve. It was he who, at the beginning of the twentieth century, began to create the organizational structures of the Black Hundreds, selecting personnel for them. The material source of existence for the extreme right was the government, and this was not hidden. Subsidies were also issued from secret funds of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. Money also came from merchants, landowners, and entrepreneurs. Annually, subsidies received by the Black Hundred treasury from all sources amounted to 250-300 thousand rubles. . But the aid did not cover the costs. One of the prominent Black Hundreds N.E. Markov, receiving a thick bag of money from the hands of the Minister of Internal Affairs, grumbled every time: “Why are you giving me nothing?”

As you know, all parties and movements were famous for some particularly favorite tactics. The Black Hundreds have a monopoly on pogrom tactics. Back in 1902 in Saratov, in 1903 in Chisinau and Gomel, the so-called “Russian patriots” beat demonstrators and organized pogroms. The targets of the beatings were foreigners and the democratic intelligentsia. Individual terror was also practiced. From October 17 to November 1, 1906, pogroms took place in 358 settlements, resulting in 1,622 deaths and 3,544 injuries. . Interesting facts about the Black Hundred squads. Their main function was to provide direct assistance to the police in the fight against the revolutionary movement. In 1906-1907 they existed in 11 cities. . The authorities at all levels not only condoned the Black Hundreds, but also provided them with direct assistance, including the supply of weapons.

The Chairman was endowed with exclusive powers, elected for life, and could leave the position only at his own request, while remaining Honorary Chairman. .

The social base of the RNC was: the large and middle-sized landed nobility, a small part of the bourgeoisie, the civil and military bureaucracy, whose economic and social interests were closely connected with the autocracy and were protected by it - these were governors and mayors, landowners and other officials, even ministers. There were representatives of the clergy and intelligentsia, the peasantry and workers. Black Hundred organizations were also created among students, but the number of their members did not exceed 5-10% of the total student body. .

The Black Hundred “Society for Active Struggle against Revolution and Anarchy” opened several canteens in St. Petersburg for needy workers, and the Moscow department organized a free library and evening literacy courses. Under the Economic Union in St. Petersburg, there was a labor bureau to find places for the unemployed. At the Putilov plant, the Bolsheviks and the Black Hundreds divided spheres of influence. The Bolsheviks gained a foothold in the “cold” workshops, the Black Hundreds - in the “hot” (rolling, open-hearth) shops. This was explained by the fact that in the “hot” shops skilled workers earned very decent money - 80-100 rubles. per month, and did not have the slightest desire to participate in strikes.

In provinces with underdeveloped industry there were 49.4% of members of extreme right-wing organizations, respectively, in moderately developed ones - 21.6%, in highly developed ones - 29%. .

The Black Hundreds divided all nations into “friendly” and “hostile”. The criterion was participation or non-participation in the revolutionary and national movement. The non-Russian population of the Volga region, Central Asia and Siberia was considered loyal, while the Finns, Poles, Armenians, and Caucasian “natives” were classified as “hostile foreigners.”

In the fall of 1907, Purishkevich, Vostorgov, Andreev and others left the RNC, and in 1908 they established the “Russian People's Union named after Michael the Archangel.” The only difference between the new union and the old was that its leaders recognized the need for the existence of legislative institutions.

In the Fourth Duma, the position of right-wing monarchist parties strengthened, but it was not possible to save the autocracy. The “swan song” of the Black Hundreds was the murder of Grigory Rasputin, since he discredited the monarchy. In November 1916, Purishkevich delivered sensational news to the State Duma, which ended with the words: “Let Grishka Rasputin not be the leader of our domestic and foreign policy.” For the first time, a far-right speaker was applauded by the left side of the Duma. On December 17, the elder was killed in the Yusupov palace. And after just 2 months, the Black Hundreds left the political arena. They are self-destructing at a time when the monarchy needs protection more than ever.

The activities of the Black Hundreds become the subject of investigation by a special emergency investigative commission of the Provisional Government. But the commission did not have time to draw any conclusions. Got in the way October Revolution. By this time there was the only underground organization in Petrograd, created by Purishkevich. A connection was established with the white movement, weapons were purchased, and an assassination attempt was planned on Lenin and Trotsky. But the organization failed, its members were tried by the Petrograd revolutionary tribunal. The trial was held openly, the defendants were defended by famous lawyers. Despite Purishkevich's statement that he could not help but fight the Soviet regime, he was granted amnesty. He would later die of typhus in Novorossiysk.

But already 2-3 months after Purishkevich’s amnesty, in connection with the “Red Terror,” other Black Hundreds were shot without trial. Some emigrated. And, for example, academician A.I. Sobolevsky became a full member of the USSR Academy of Sciences. Metropolitan of the Orthodox Church of Western Europe Evlogy accepted Soviet citizenship after the war.

Some leaders of the Union argued that the Black Hundreds were the forerunner of fascism. For example, N.E. Markov wrote: “If the government of that time had grown to understand what Mussolini later understood in Italy, and instead of stubborn opposition would have supported and implemented the governmental, saving idea of the need to rely the Supreme power on the best part of the people organized in powerful monarchical unions - the history of Russia It would be completely different."

"Union of the Russian People"- the largest Black Hundred organization. The "Union" appeared after the publication of the Manifesto on October 17, 1905. All classes and social groups were represented in the "Union", but main role The intelligentsia played a role in its creation. The official organ of the "Union of the Russian People" was the daily newspaper "Russian Banner". By the end of 1907, the Union had 2,124 departments in 66 provinces of Russia, the number of Union members was approximately 350 thousand people. Doctor of Medicine A.I. was elected Chairman of the Union of Russian People. Dubrovin. Bessarabian landowner, former official of the Ministry of Internal Affairs V.M. became a comrade (deputy) chairman. Purishkevich. The Union program was developed in 1906. The cornerstone of the programs of all parties at that time was the national question. IN late XIX- early 20th century On the outskirts of the empire, there was a rise in nationalist movements, and a large number of parties with nationalist overtones appeared. The separatism of the outskirts caused a response. Black Hundred organizations associated themselves exclusively with the Russian population. In the field of foreign policy, the Union of the Russian People advocated a cautious, balanced policy. Members of the “Union” advocated for a united and indivisible Russia and declared that “the lands conquered by the blood of their ancestors” would forever remain part of Russia. The organization’s program put forward the thesis “Russia for Russians.” Party documents emphasized that “the Russian people, as the gatherer of the Russian land and the organizer of the Russian state, are a sovereign nation, dominant and superior,” only Russians should have “the right of state structure and governance.” By Russians, members of the “Union” also meant Ukrainians and Belarusians. In the spirit of forced Russification, the members of the "Union" were going to solve the problem of language and culture. The Russian language was assigned the role of the state language and compulsory for all subjects. But they insisted that enlightenment and education be built on national principles. Lower education was supposed to be completely transferred to the Russian Orthodox Church. Secondary and higher education was to become the privilege of the Russian population and peoples equated to it. Russians were given “exclusive” and “preemptive” rights. Thus, Russians were to have the exclusive right to public service, teaching and advocacy. The Union's program documents promised to respect the religion, culture, and customs of non-Russian peoples. All the peoples inhabiting the Russian Empire were divided by them into “friendly” and “unfriendly” to the Russians. The “friendly” people included the peoples who originally inhabited Russia. Their “allies” called them “their equals, their faithful and good neighbors, friends and relatives.” Potential enemies of Russia included peoples whose representatives took an active part in the revolutionary and national liberation movement, as well as Finns, Poles, and some Caucasian peoples. The Union of the Russian People was the only party that openly declared its anti-Semitism. The Black Hundreds demanded strict adherence to the “Pale of Settlement”, a complete ban on Jews receiving education, not allowing them into government and public service, depriving them of voting rights, and prohibiting them from practicing medicine, the legal profession, and journalism. The goal of the "Union" was the eviction of Jews to Palestine. In the political field, the Union spoke out for an unlimited monarchy. On the agrarian issue they opposed any attempts to confiscate privately owned lands. They proposed putting an end to peasant land shortage by selling state lands “at affordable prices,” organizing resettlement, developing small rural credit, and improving agricultural technology. On the labor issue, they spoke out in favor of “streamlining working conditions” and “a possible reduction in the working day.” At the beginning of 1908, due to political differences, V.M. left the “Union” along with a group of like-minded people. Purishkevich created the Russian People's Union named after the Archangel Michael. The "Union of Russian Backgammon" ceased its activities along with the abdication of Nicholas II from the throne.

The emergence of the new Union of the Russian People (RNR) evokes among its participants and sympathizers a natural desire to compare this newly emerged organization with the legendary monarchist movement of the era of the collapse of the Russian Empire. What were the reasons for the first NRC? Who were its creators, activists and patrons? What goals and objectives did they set for themselves?

At the beginning of the twentieth century, the Russian autocracy entered a period of deep political crisis. It unfolded against the backdrop of major international events, the main content of which was the intensified rivalry between the imperialist powers: England, France, Germany and Russia. IN strategic plan the crisis led to Russo-Japanese War 1904-1905, and in the social sphere - to the revolution of 1905-1907, which awakened the working class and peasantry.

The insulting defeat in the war with the Japanese and the all-Russian scale of the revolution pushed the tsarist government to make some concessions, which, in particular, was expressed in the support of right-wing conservative parties and ideas. The document that recorded this change was the Manifesto of October 17, 1905, after which the popular movement, known as the "Black Hundred".

The historical place of the "Black Hundred" and its influence on modern times are explained mainly by the fact that this movement combined various spectrums of the far right, conservative and reactionary content, with mass populist political party new type.

Far-right forces at the beginning of the twentieth century were represented by several organizations. First major organization Russian collection was founded at the end of 1900. It included representatives of the aristocracy, clergy, journalists, generals, and government officials. The leaders and honorary members of the Russian Assembly were: princes Nikolai Dmitrievich Golitsyn, Dmitry Ivanovich Shakhovskoy, Fr. John of Kronstadt, Minister of Internal Affairs Vyacheslav Konstantinovich Pleve and others.

Over the course of several years of activity, this organization opened its branches in cities in southern Russia, as well as in Warsaw and Kazan. At first, members of the Russian Assembly were concerned with history, ideology and art, but the revolutionary crisis of the beginning of the century forced them to turn to current politics. The political credo was briefly expressed in the monarchical formula “for Orthodoxy, autocracy, nationality”

Soon two more parties were created - in March 1905 Union of Russian People and in November 1905 - Union of the Russian People(NRC). In terms of their program, both parties were close to each other, but the key positions belonged to the RNC.

The leaders of the Union of the Russian People were the energetic and capable Alexander Ivanovich Dubrovin (1855-1918), Nikolai Evgenievich Markov 2nd (1866-1945), Vladimir Mitrofanovich Purishkevich (1870-1920). At the initial stage of the RNC’s activities, it was headed by a doctor by profession A.I. Dubrovin, who, unlike other politicians, was an active organizer. Dubrovin came into contact with senior officials in the government and convincingly argued that to save the monarchical order, an organization such as the Union of the Russian People was needed. The RNC must become a patriotic, and most importantly, a mass party that will engage in large-scale socio-political actions and individual work. For this, A.I. Dubrovin convinced, support from above is needed: political, police, and also financial.

He received such support. The Union of the Russian People won the sympathy of Tsar Nicholas II himself. The Emperor, concerned about the internal struggle in his immediate circle, sought support among new state institutions and public organizations. Therefore, he readily approved the work of the NRC, considering it "a shining example of law and order for all people."

The highest support provided financial assistance to the Union of the Russian People. The first government subsidy was allocated by Pyotr Arkadyevich Stolypin - 150 thousand gold rubles for publications. Private individuals also helped the union. The widow of a wealthy publisher, Poluboyarinov, donated more than half a million rubles over several years. For that era, these were huge funds.

Thanks to state and private support, as well as popular ideology disseminated through the large-circulation newspaper "Russian Banner", the RNC became a mass party. Its social base consisted not only of representatives of the aristocracy, intelligentsia, and high clergy, but also of the petty bourgeoisie: merchants, artisans, shopkeepers, and simple townspeople. The RNC also attracted to its side officials from the local administration, police officers, military officials and the Cossacks. Any Russian person who shared its program and paid membership fees could become a member of the Union. Among the celebrities who participated in the activities of the RNC were: the brilliant artists Vasily Mikhailovich Vasnetsov, Nikolai Konstantinovich Roerich, Mikhail Vasilyevich Nesterov, the creator of the first folk instrument orchestra in Russia Vasily Vasilyevich Andreev, the outstanding book publisher Ivan Dmitrievich Sytin, the famous physician and practicing physician Sergei Petrovich Botkin, academicians Alexander Ivanovich Sobolevsky, Nikodim Pavlovich Kondakov and many others.

Ideologically and practically, the activities of the Union of the Russian People were sharpened against the dangerous penetration of Jewry into state and public organizations. He took responsibility for several punitive operations during the revolution of 1905-1906. Jewish pogroms occurred both spontaneously and in an organized manner, during anti-government demonstrations, rallies, and strikes. Most often they were directed against the organizers of the riots, revolutionaries and terrorists, who were considered mainly Jews. In response to the “Red Terror”, aimed at the very heart of the Russian monarchy, the Black Hundreds organized the “White Terror”, which also reached political murders.

The ideology of fair opposition to Jewish dominance, which is incorrectly called “anti-Semitism,” received its justification in the publications of several outstanding minds long before the Bolshevik coup. This is the fundamental work “International Secret Government” (M., 1912) by the prominent lawyer Alexei Semenovich Shmakov (1852-1916). This is an incriminating book, “There Is Near the Door,” by the Orthodox writer Sergei Aleksandrovich Nilus (1862-1929), who is also credited with the authorship of the famous “Protocols of the Elders of Zion.” This is the journalism of Vasily Vasilyevich Rozanov, Dmitry Sergeevich Merezhkovsky, Mikhail Osipovich Menshikov and other Russian writers, each of whom in his own way expressed his rejection of the “coming boor” revolution.

The program provisions of the Union of the Russian People were based on the traditional “theory of official nationality” of Count Sergei Semenovich Uvarov, put forward in the 19th century. The Black Hundreds accused the bureaucracy of creating an impenetrable barrier between the Tsar and the people. They believed that it was necessary to restore the living connection between the Sovereign and his subjects. This is prevented by the parliamentary system borrowed from the West, which in Russia took the form of the State Duma. Instead of the Duma, built on the principle of equality of civil rights of all classes, the RNC proposed convening popular councils, reviving the long-standing aristocratic tradition. The Council does not have full power; it is an advisory body and gives advice to the Tsar. Only truly Russian people, by blood and spirit, can be members of the Council.

Among other program provisions were requirements to increase standard of living people, reduction working week, cheap loans to peasants, some redistribution of land, but there was a negative attitude towards the Stolypin agrarian reform, since it destroyed the traditional peasant community. Views on economic development In Russia, the RNC were contradictory: from the denial of urbanization and apology for the patriarchal structure in agriculture to the recognition that a strong Russia must have a developed and modern industry. In their propaganda activities, members of the RNC widely used the phraseology and tactics of the populists.

The geography of the spread of the Union of the Russian People included the southern and western regions of Russia, and to a lesser extent the central and eastern regions. The influence of the RNC extended mainly to urban population, in rural areas it was weak. During the years of the greatest influence of the RNC (1906-1907), there were about 3 thousand branches of this party throughout Russia.

While the 1905 revolution posed a threat to the monarchical order, the Union of the Russian People was a united party. When political activity began to wane towards the end of 1906 and it became clear that the workers' strike struggle was doomed to defeat, divisions within the RNC intensified. Disputes and contradictions arose both for political reasons and due to rivalry between leaders. Ultimately, these disagreements led to a split in the organization. V. Purishkevich in 1908 separated from the RNC and created the Union of Michael the Archangel, an Orthodox Black Hundred organization that had branches in St. Petersburg, Kyiv, Odessa and other cities in the south of the Russian Empire.

There was also a disagreement between A.I. Dubrovin and N.E. Markov II, which affected the party. One part of it followed Dubrovin, the other followed Markov 2nd. The NRC's organizational weakening was exacerbated by cuts in government subsidies.

When the new social and political crisis caused by the First World War broke out, the ultra-conservative parties were unable to provide an adequate response to the complex challenges of our time. Even such an extraordinary project as the “police socialism” of Sergei Vasilyevich Zubatov (1864-1917), head of the Special Department of the Moscow secret police, was not completely successful. Agents introduced by the Russian police into revolutionary circles were able to create an influential direction in the labor movement, but were unable to resist the global forces of evil.

The worst prophecies have come true. World Freemasonry provoked a large-scale war, which involved Russia, Germany, Austria-Hungary, England and France. Their Russian “brothers” from the liberal-socialist camp headed the largest opposition parties in the State Duma, and at a critical moment formed the Provisional Government. IN revolutionary movement and in the media, the leadership was captured by the Socialist Revolutionaries, Mensheviks, Bolsheviks, predominantly Jews and foreigners by blood. Russia was sliding into the abyss of destructive upheavals and anarchy.

After the February Revolution of 1917 and the abdication of Nicholas II from the Tsar's throne, the political and publishing activities of far-right organizations were prohibited. Their successors in the conditions of the outbreak civil war became the White Guards.

Development of martial traditions of the Union of Russian People in Soviet era special topic. Ideology, tactics and forms White movement changed depending on historical conditions and specific circumstances.

Our modern reality differs significantly from the era of a hundred years ago, on the eve of three revolutions. Therefore, simply copying the experience of the Black Hundreds and conservative monarchists will not lead the Russian people to victory.

However, the very principle of forming a mass Russian organization not on the basis of political convictions, but on the basis of consanguinity and national interests, should be recognized as relevant. The historical experience of the Union of the Russian People deserves serious reflection for the needs of our present and future.

After the prayer, a note was taken, which turned out to be a blessing for the creation of an alliance.

The first meetings took place in the apartment of A.I. Dubrovin in St. Petersburg. On November 8 (21), 1905, the Main Council of the Union of the Russian People was created, Dubrovin was elected chairman, his deputies were A. A. Maikov and engineer A. I. Trishatny, the treasurer was the St. Petersburg merchant I. I. Baranov, the secretary of the Council was lawyer S. I. Trishatny. The Council also included P. F. Bulatzel, G. V. Butmi, P. P. Surin and others.

On November 21 (December 4), 1905, the Union held its first mass meeting in the Mikhailovsky Manege in Moscow. According to the memoirs of P. A. Krushevan, about 20 thousand people were present at the meeting, prominent monarchists and two bishops spoke, with general enthusiasm and popular unity.

Under the Union, the newspaper “Russian Banner” was created, the first issue of which was published on November 28, 1905. This newspaper soon became one of the leading patriotic publications of the time.

At the Third All-Russian Congress of Russian People, held in Kyiv from October 1 to October 7, 1906, the Union of the Russian People was already the largest monarchist organization in Russia. Of the 166 delegates to the congress, 67 were members of the Union. It is noteworthy that there was a particularly active monarchist movement in Kyiv. As V. Yu. Darensky writes, most of the members of the Union lived on the territory of Little Russia.

John of Kronstadt, who was extremely popular, arrived at the solemn consecration of the banner and banner of the Union of the Russian People, which took place on November 26, 1906, the day of the feast of St. George the Victorious, at the St. Michael's Manege. The “All-Russian Father” said a welcoming speech to the monarchists, of whom about 30 thousand people were present at the event, and recalled the great role of Orthodoxy in the life of Russia. He subsequently joined the Union himself and was elected an honorary life member on October 15, 1907. Then Bishop Sergius (Stragorodsky), the future patriarch, appeared, a divine service was served, which ended with the singing of many years to the Sovereign and the entire Reigning House, the founders and leaders of the Union, as well as eternal memory to all those who fell for the faith, the Tsar and the Fatherland.

In the period from 1906 to 1907, many prominent figures of the Union and its ordinary members suffered from revolutionary terror. Among the victims of the assassination attempts were: the head of the Odessa department, Count A.I. Konovnitsyn, the chairman of the Pochaev department, the rector of the Pochaev Lavra, Archimandrite Vitaly (Maksimenko), the honorary chairman of the Tiflis Patriotic Society, priest Sergius Gorodtsov, the head of the Simferopol department, Semyon Grankin, the founder of the Double-Headed Eagle society. I. Vishnevsky, one of the organizers of the Kyiv department, merchant F. Postny and many others. In total, according to Pavel Bulatzel, given in his book “The Fight for Truth,” from February 1905 to November 1906, 32,706 ordinary people were killed and seriously injured, not counting representatives of law enforcement agencies, officers, officials, nobles and dignitaries. Many of those killed were leaders of local departments of the Union, active participants in the organization. A large number of terrorist attacks were carried out at rallies, religious processions and processions held by the Union of the Russian People. To maintain order and prevent accidents during the revolutionary events, self-defense squads were organized under the Union, which in some cases were supplied with weapons. The Odessa squad, which bore the unofficial name “White Guard,” became especially famous. This squad was organized on the principle of a Cossack military formation, it was divided into six hundred (despite the fact that the number of the entire squad was about 300 people), leadership was carried out by “mandate atamans”, “esauls” and “foremen”. Squads formed by members of the organization existed at factory departments in St. Petersburg and Moscow, as well as in some other cities. The activities of the squads were of a protective nature, despite frequent accusations of “Black Hundred terror”; the organization’s charter did not prescribe any illegal aggressive actions, and most of them were disbanded after the situation in the country stabilized.

By the Fourth All-Russian Congress of Russian People, held on April 26 - May 1, 1907 in Moscow, the Union of the Russian People occupied the first position among all monarchist organizations. There were about 900 departments, and the majority of the delegates to the congress were members of the Union. At the congress, the unification of monarchists around the Union was approved, which contributed to the strengthening of the monarchist movement. A resolution was also passed to rename the regional administrations of the United Russian People, created by the decision of the Third Congress, into the provincial administrations of the Union of the Russian People.

Schism (1907)

In 1907, contradictions began among the leaders of the organization. V. M. Purishkevich, who held the post of Comrade Chairman, showed more and more independence in the affairs of managing the Union, pushing A. I. Dubrovin into the background. Soon he had almost complete control over organizational and publishing activities, work with local departments, many of whose leaders became his supporters. Some founders of the Union also supported Purishkevich in his aspirations for power.

At the next congress of the Union of the Russian People, held on July 15-19, 1907, on the initiative of supporters of the chairman of the Union A.I. Dubrovin, a resolution was adopted ordering that documents that had not passed the approval of the chairman not be considered valid, aimed at suppressing the arbitrariness of Purishkevich, who did not consider it necessary coordinate your actions with the chairman. The conflict ended with Purishkevich's withdrawal from the Union in the fall of 1907. This story was continued at the Union Congress on February 11, 1908 in St. Petersburg. At the congress, which brought together many eminent monarchists, a group of “allies” dissatisfied with Dubrovin’s policies in the organization, among whom were V. L. Voronkov, V. A. Andreev and others, filed a complaint with a member of the Main Council of the Union, Count A. I. Konovnitsyn , pointing to Dubrovin’s “dictatorial behavior,” the lack of financial reporting in the organization, and other violations of the charter. Dubrovin, offended by the fact that they wanted to remove him, the founder of the Union, from leadership, demanded the expulsion of the oppositionists.

Splits soon followed in the regional departments. In March 1908, a split occurred in the Odessa department of the Union of the Russian People, which led to the expulsion by supporters of A.I. Konovnitsyn of the active monarchist figure of Odessa B.A. Pelikan with a group of supporters, in connection with their accusation of slander. At the end of June 1908, a split occurred in the Moscow department of the Union. On the initiative of the group of founders of the department, Archpriest John Vostorgov and Archimandrite Macarius (Gnevushev) were removed from leadership in the provincial Council. The founder of the Moscow department, N. N. Oznobishin, was appointed chairman. Disagreeing with this decision, supporters of Father John Vostorgov organized their independent Moscow Union of the Russian People on November 2 of the same year. The reaction from the Main Council of the Union of the Russian People was to include the new organization in the list of hostile and purely harmful ones.

Purishkevich, meanwhile, having united with the participants who were expelled and left the Union of the Russian People, on November 8, 1908, created new organization- "Russian People's Union named after Michael the Archangel." After the separation of the Moscow department led by Ivan Vostorgov from the Union, Purishkevich hastened to establish contact with him, supporting his opposition to Dubrovin.

Over time, the situation in the organization worsened even more, which led to the final split of the Union. The stumbling block was the attitude towards the State Duma and the Manifesto of October 17. Allied opinions regarding these phenomena were divided. The leader of the Union, Dubrovin, was an ardent opponent of innovation, believing that any restriction of autocracy has negative consequences for Russia, while another prominent monarchist figure, Nikolai Evgenievich Markov, considered the Duma a positive phenomenon, citing among his arguments that since the Manifesto is the will of the Sovereign, it is the duty of every monarchist to submit to him.

The story of the murder of State Duma deputy M. Ya. Herzenstein on July 18, 1906 also contributed to the split. The investigation into this case revealed the involvement of some members of the union in the murder, including N.M. Yuskevich-Kraskovsky, and served as the basis for numerous accusations against the “allies,” including Dubrovin himself. A large role in the development of the scandal was played by a former member of the Union of Prussians, who testified and accused Dubrovin of involvement in the crime (later Zelensky and Polovnev gave similar testimony to the ChSK of the Provisional Government). At the same time, an attempt was made to poison Dubrovin. He went to Yalta for treatment, where he was patronized by the mayor, General I. A. Dumbadze.

Meanwhile, in St. Petersburg, a “quiet revolution” took place in the Union of the Russian People. In December 1909, Dubrovin’s opponents appointed Count Emmanuel Ivanovich Konovnitsyn to the post of Comrade Chairman of the Main Council. On July 20, 1909, the Main Council was moved from Dubrovin's house to house No. 3 on Baskov Lane. Dubrovin received a proposal to limit his power, remaining only the honorary chairman and founder of the Union, transferring leadership to a new deputy. Gradually, Dubrovin's supporters were forced out of leadership positions, and a new newspaper, Zemshchina, and a magazine, Bulletin of the Union of the Russian People, began to be published instead of the Russian Banner. The opposing sides exchanged statements and letters, accusatory statements, issued contradictory circulars and resolutions, convened congresses and forums, which continued from 1909 to 1912, and ultimately led to the complete disengagement and fragmentation of the Union. In August 1912, the charter of the “All-Russian Dubrovinsky Union of the Russian People” was registered; in November 1912, power in the Main Council of the Union of the Russian People passed to Markov. Also, a number of regional branches broke away from the center and declared their independence. The fragmentation of the largest monarchist organization in the empire could not but affect the image of the “Black Hundreds” patriots; their credibility in the eyes of society decreased, and many members of the Union withdrew from participating in monarchist activities. Many far-right figures of that time believed that the government, and Stolypin personally, played a major role in the collapse of the Union of the Russian People.

Subsequently, repeated attempts were made to recreate a single monarchical organization, but no one was successful. Almost immediately after the February Revolution of 1917, almost all monarchist organizations were banned, and trials were initiated against the leaders of the Union. Monarchical activity in the country was almost completely paralyzed. The subsequent October Revolution and the Red Terror led to the death of most of the leaders of the Union of the Russian People. Many former "allies" took part in the White Movement.

Recent history

In 2005, on the initiative of the sculptor Vyacheslav Klykov, the Union of the Russian People was restored, the members of the Main Council of the Union became: K. Yu. Dushenov, L. G. Ivashov, M. N. Kuznetsov, M. N. Lyubomudrov, B. S. Mironov, A. V. Mikhailov, M. V. Nazarov, V. N. Osipov, S. G. Provatorov, A. A. Senin, A. S. Turik, A. R. Shtilmark and others, 60 people in total. Later, as a result of disagreements within the organization, the Union broke up into several groups.

Ideology and activities of the Union

The goals, ideology and program of the Union were contained in the Charter, adopted on August 7, 1906. Its main goal was the development of national Russian self-awareness and the unification of all Russian people for general work for the benefit of Russia, united and indivisible. This benefit, according to the authors of the document, lay in the traditional formula “Orthodoxy, autocracy, nationality.”

Particular attention was paid to Orthodoxy as the fundamental Christian denomination of Russia.

The Union aimed to bring the tsar closer to the people by liberating himself from bureaucratic dominance in the government and returning to the traditional concept of the Duma as a conciliar body. For the authorities, the charter recommended respect for freedom of speech, press, assembly, association and the inviolability of the person, within the limits established by law.

The charter noted the primacy of the Russian people in the state. Russians meant Great Russians, Belarusians and Little Russians. In relation to foreigners, strict principles of legality were prescribed, allowing them to consider it an honor and a blessing to belong to the Russian Empire and not be burdened by their dependence.

The section on the activities of the union set the tasks of participating in the work of the State Duma, educating the people in the political, religious and patriotic spheres, by opening churches, schools, hospitals and other institutions, holding meetings, and publishing literature. To assist the members of the Union and the events organized by it, the creation of the “All-Russian Bank of the Union of the Russian People” with branches in the regions was prescribed.
In general, the Union’s program was of a certain nature only in terms of demands for discrimination against foreigners (especially Jews) and the provision of preferences to the Russian population. The Union's position on the labor question and the land question was expressed in vague terms and was not clearly defined.

Reports on activities, educational and ideological materials were published in the newspaper “Russian Banner” and in regional newspapers such as “Kozma Minin”, “Belarusian Voice”, “Russian People” and others.

"Union of the Russian People" and the Jewish Question

The Union paid great attention to the Jewish question, to which a separate chapter was devoted in the “Program of the Union of the Russian People.” The activities of the union were aimed at protecting Russian workers and peasants from the oppression that took place, in the opinion of the Union, from Jewish capitalists, as well as from economic competition from Jews. The “allies” were also concerned about the increased activity of Jewish organizations and the active participation of Jews in politics and the revolutionary movement.

Among the members of the union there were different points of view on the Jewish question. Some advocated the complete deprivation of Jews of all rights and expressed openly anti-Semitic positions. This was the attitude of many of the main ideologists of the Union, such as Georgy Butmi and A. S. Shmakov. Publishing houses controlled by the Union produced much literature on the Jewish question, including The Protocols of the Elders of Zion. Others took a different view, often aligned with the Zionists, in supporting the Jewish desire to gain their own state in Palestine. In general, the Union opposed the softening of legislation regarding the Jewish population of the empire that took place in the pre-revolutionary period, as well as for stricter compliance with discriminatory laws that limited the civil, political and property rights of Jews, while advocating civil equality in relation to all other national minorities of the Russian Empire .

Condemnation of pogrom activities was expressed by A.I. Dubrovin, John of Kronstadt, and other authoritative monarchists; statements about the unacceptability of pogroms were published in the official publications of the organization. The Chairman of the Main Council of the RNC, Dubrovin, spoke about the pogroms:

Pogroms are disgusting to us simply because of their senselessness, not to mention the wild, aimless cruelty and unbridledness of base passion. In all pogroms, it is the pogromists themselves (Russians or Christians in general), and the pitiful half-dressed, hungry poor Jews who pay the price. Rich and all-powerful Jewry, almost without exception, remains unscathed. The “Union of the Russian People” has made and will continue to make every effort to prevent pogroms.

Although the leaders of the Union never officially approved of either Jewish pogroms or terror against political opponents, in letters, diaries, private conversations and public speaking some prominent members of the RNC spoke sympathetically towards terror (Boris Vladimirovich Nikolsky) or reproached the authorities for not condoning pogroms as a means of fighting the revolution.

…The “sane” city rulers missed the moment to turn away the direction of the revolution and turn the coming tragedy into a cheerful farce of a Jewish-trading pogrom... Eh, and why do they need money, ranks, etc. give!…

- Ioann Vostorgov. "Memories of February revolution in Moscow."

Edition Odessa branch Union of the Russian People

Membership in the organization was granted according to the charter to Russian people of both sexes professing Orthodoxy (as well as fellow believers of the Old Believers). Foreigners were accepted only by unanimous decision of a commission of a certain composition. Jews were not accepted into the Union even if they converted to Christianity.

The social composition of Black Hundred parties and organizations in the 20th century can be judged from a number of published studies and documents. The majority of the Union members were peasants, especially in regions where there was significant pressure on the Russians - for example, in the South-Western Territory, cases of entire villages enrolling in the Union were recorded. Also in the ranks of the Union there were many workers, many of whom essentially remained peasants. Among urban residents, members of the organization were mainly artisans, small employees, shopkeepers and artisans, and less often - merchants of senior guilds. Leading positions in the Union were occupied mainly by nobles. Large role in organizational and educational activities Representatives of the clergy, both white and black, played, moreover, quite a few of them were subsequently canonized, for example John of Kronstadt, Patriarch Tikhon, Metropolitan Seraphim, Metropolitan Vladimir, Metropolitan Agafangel, Archbishop Andronik and others. Among the members of the union there were also intellectuals - professors, artists, poets and publicists, doctors and musicians. In general, the number of members of the Union of the Russian People (before the split) was greater than in any other organization or party of the Russian Empire.

The annual membership fee was 50 kopecks; poor people could be exempted from paying it. Male members of the Union who showed themselves to be particularly useful, or who made donations of more than 1,000 rubles, were included in the number of founding members by decision of the Council. The governing body of the organization was the Main Council, consisting of 12 members, headed by the chairman (from the foundation until the split was A.I. Dubrovin) and his two deputies. Members of the Council and candidates for members of the Council, numbering 18 people, were elected every 3 years. To monitor the activities of the Union, congresses and meetings were held regularly, and reports were published in the newspaper “Russian Banner”.

Evaluation of the activities and criticism of the Union

From the moment the Union of the Russian People arose to this day, there have been diametrically opposed views on this organization in society. Monarchists, Orthodox patriots and ordinary conservative citizens saw in it a stronghold of the autocratic idea, an expression of people's devotion to the emperor and the idea of Orthodox conciliarity. Among revolutionary-minded Russians and liberals, there was a perception of the Union as a reactionary, pogrom and anti-Semitic organization created by the government. Subsequently, this point of view was accepted in Soviet historiography.

The Union of the Russian People was held responsible for three political murders - of deputies from the Constitutional Democratic Party M. Ya. Herzenstein and G. B. Yollos and the “Trudovik” A. L. Karavaev. M. Ya. Herzenstein was killed in July 1906 at his dacha in Terijoki, Finland. The investigation revealed that members of the Union of the Russian People were involved in the murder. Soon there followed accusations from the leadership of the Union and A.I. Dubrovin himself of organizing this murder, supported by evidence from former members of the Union who had a personal grudge against Dubrovin. After the terrorist attack, A.I. Dubrovin personally accepted the report and welcomed Herzenstein’s killers. In March 1907, G. B. Iollos, editor of Russkie Vedomosti and friend of Herzenstein, was shot dead. It soon became clear that he was killed by the revolutionary Fedorov, who was deceived by a member of the RNC, Kazantsev, who posed as a maximalist Socialist-Revolutionary, and Yollos as a traitor. Kazantsev was the direct killer of Herzenstein and the organizer of the assassination attempt on S. Yu. Witte. The “allies” were also credited with the murder of former deputy from the labor faction A.L. Karavaev. In exile, N. E. Markov admitted the responsibility of the Union for the murders of Herzenstein, Yollos and Karavaev.

Terror of the extreme left parties against the RNC

On behalf of the St. Petersburg Committee of the RSDLP, an armed attack was carried out on the Tver teahouse, where workers of the Nevsky Shipyard, who were members of the Union of the Russian People, were gathering. First, two bombs were thrown by Bolshevik militants, and then those running out of the tea shop were shot with revolvers. The Bolsheviks killed 2 and wounded 15 workers.

Revolutionary organizations carried out many terrorist acts against members of right-wing parties, mainly against the chairmen of local departments of the Union of the Russian People. So, according to the police department, only in March 1908, in one Chernigov province in the city of Bakhmach, a bomb was thrown at the house of the chairman of the local RNC, in the city of Nizhyn the house of the union chairman was set on fire, and the whole family was killed, in the village of Domyany the chairman of the department was killed, in Two department chairmen were killed in Nizhyn.

Notable members of the organization

Black Hundreds
Organizations
Russian collection
Union of the Russian People
Union of Michael the Archangel
All-Russian Dubrovinsky Union of the Russian People
Russian monarchical the consignment
Union of Russian People
Holy squad
All-Russian Congress of Russian People
Tsarist-People's Muslim Society
Leaders
Alexander Dubrovin
Anthony Khrapovitsky
Vladimir Gringmut
Vladimir Purishkevich
Ivan Katsaurov
Ioann Vostorgov
Orlov, Vasily Grigorievich
John of Kronstadt
Nikolay Markov
Pavel Krushevan
Seraphim Chichagov
Emmanuel Konovnitsyn
Successors
Vyacheslav Klykov
Leonid Ivashov
Mikhail Nazarov
Alexander Shtilmark

Canonized as saints

Hieromartyr Archpriest Mikhail Petrovich Alabovsky

Other notable members

Notes

Union of the Russian People on the Chronos website
Alexey Mitrofanov. Dear Father.
S. A. Stepanov. Black Hundred terror 1905-1907
Marina Vitukhnovskaya. The Black Hundred are on trial in Finland.
The Main Council, elected at the First Congress of the Union of the Russian People.
NRC Charter
Program of the Union of Russian People
Nozdrin G. A. Relations between the Russian and Jewish populations of Siberia in the second half of the 19th - early 20th centuries.
I. V. Omelyanchuk. Social composition of the Black Hundred parties at the beginning of the 20th century.
S. Reznik. Blood libel in Russia.
Tager, Alexander Semyonovich. Tsarist Russia and the Beilis Affair. - 2. - M., 1934.
V.V. Shulgin. Baileysiad//Vasily Shulgin. The last eyewitness. M., "Olma-Press", 2002, p. 211, ISBN 5-94850-028-4
Anatoly Stepanov. Union of the Russian People: history and lessons of struggle.
Jewish pogroms.
V.V. Kozhinov. The truth about the pogroms.
A. I. Solzhenitsyn. Two hundred years together.//Chapter 9 - Into the revolution of 1905.
Retrospective: The Russian Council and the Jewish Pogrom.
Kiryanov Yu. I. Right-wing parties in Russia 1911-1917. - M.: Russian Political Encyclopedia, 2001. - P. 354. - ISBN 5-8243-0244-8
Materials for characterizing the counter-revolution of 1905 // Past. No. 21 1923. P. 182
I.I. Vostorgov Memories of the February Revolution in Moscow. // Notes from the Department of Manuscripts of the Russian State Library. Vol. 51. M. 2000.
Klier J.D., Lambrozo S. Anti-Jewish Violence in Modern Russian History. - P. 224.
Compare: The Times, October 9, 1906; J. D. Klier and S. Lambrosa in their monograph refer to the issue of the Times the next day, October 10, in which the end of the article “Russia” was published. Another article in which Dubrovin is mentioned is “Russian Black Hundred” - published in the Times issue of March 8, 1911
Bishop Andronik. "Conversations about the "Union of the Russian People"".
Many workers continued to run their own farms in the villages, going to the city to earn money. In passports or other documents such people were listed as peasants.
Yu. Shtengel. Murder of M. Ya. Herzenstein
Union of the Russian People. Based on materials of the Extraordinary Investigative Commission of the Provisional Government of 1917. M.-L., 1929. P. 53-58
Murder of G. B. Yollos
G. A. Gershuni. Nightmare
Markov N. E. History of the Jewish assault on Russia. // Wars of dark forces. M., 2008. P. 400
The first militant organization of the Bolsheviks. 1905-1907 M., 1934. Pp. 221.
Circular of the Police Department dated March 8, 1908 // Political police and political terrorism in Russia (second half of the 19th - early 20th centuries): Collection of documents. AIRO-XXI. 2001.

Literature

Individual political terror in Russia (XIX - early XX centuries) Conference materials / Compiled by K. N. Morozov; Ed. B. Yu. Ivanov and A. B. Roginsky. - M.: “Memorial”, 1996.
Stepanov A. D., Ivanov A. A. Army of Saint George. - St. Petersburg. : “The Tsar’s Business”, 2006. - ISBN 5-91102-009-2
Ostretsov V. M. Black Hundred and Red Hundred / V. M. Ostretsov; Ed. Yu. N. Lubchenkov. - M.: Military Publishing House, 1991. - 48 p. - (CLIO Library). -