Documents of the Soviet era Stalin's personal archive. Read online "Forbidden Stalin". Department of the NKVD of the USSR for combating banditry
The political gang of Saaduly Magomadov (6 people) has been operating since 1920. Fist. Periodically connects with the gang of Mahmudov Sarali. For 10 years, over 30 murders of Red Army soldiers, pogroms were committed. On account of the gang, the murder of Red Army soldiers, the terrorist attack on January 20, 1930 over the activist Ryabov, 1935 - the terrorist attack against the authorized district committee of the party Aktemirov, over the chairman of the village council Kurazov, over the chairman of the village council Khadzhiev, 1936 - the terrorist attack on the commissar-activist Magaev , robberies, a terrorist act over the chairman of the collective farm Batiev Dush, 1938 - over the deputy chairman of the collective farm Shoainov Vakha, etc.
People's Commissar of Internal Affairs of the Chechen-Ingush Autonomous Republic of AR RYAZANOV.
GARF. F.R-9478. Op.1. D 2. L.3-4.
From reports on the general situation of the Chechen-Ingush Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic on the eve of the deportation of Chechens and Ingush
In Checheno-Ingushetia, compared with the first half of the year, the average daily oil refining in Grozny in July 1941 increased by 3083 tons. Compared to 1940, the oil and gas production plan for Grozneftekombinat was fulfilled by 135.1%. The production of aviation gasoline increased, compared with the first half of the year, in July 1941 by 220%, and in August 1941 - by 262%.
NARC. F.1. Op.1. D.748. L.15.
Top secret
Special folder
Extract from the protocol # 124 of the meeting of the Bureau of the Chechen-Ingush Regional Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks on July 15, 1941
Listened to: 3. Report of the People's Commissar of Internal Affairs on the fight against banditry and desertion in the CHI ASSR.
Resolved:
After listening to the report of the People's Commissar of Internal Affairs Comrade. Albogachiev on the fight against banditry and desertion in the republic, the Bureau of the Regional Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks notes that Comrade. Albogachiev and deputy. people's commissar comrade Shelenkov still has not restructured his work.
There is no clear distribution of duties and iron military discipline in the People's Commissariat, there is laxity, failure to comply with orders, violation of unity of command and irresponsibility of some heads of departments and heads of district departments.
People's Commissar Comrade Albogachiev did not strengthen the People's Commissariat organizationally, did not rally the workers and did not organize an active struggle against banditry and desertion.
The leadership of the People's Commissariat of Internal Affairs (comrades Albogachiev and Shelenkov) and state security(Comrade Ryazanov), instead of organizing a joint active struggle against banditry, took up unprincipled friction.
The Bureau of the Regional Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks considers it completely intolerable when, as a result of complacency and carelessness during wartime, a decisive blow was not dealt to banditry and desertion, and as a result of this, banditry and desertion increased significantly in the republic, cases of terrorist acts against workers of the republic became more frequent.
Secretary of the Chechen-Ingush Regional Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks V. Ivanov.
Spy. 1993. # 1. P. 24-25.
GARF. D.401. Op.12. D.127-09. L.80.
Dear Terloev! Hello to you! I am very sorry that your highlanders started the uprising ahead of schedule. I'm afraid that if you do not listen to me, and we, the workers of the republic, will be exposed... Look, for the sake of Allah, take the oath. Don't name us to anyone.
You exposed yourself. You act while deep underground. Don't let yourself be arrested. Know that you will be shot. Keep in touch with me only through my trusted accomplices.
You write me a letter of a hostile bias, threatening me with possible ones, and I will also begin to persecute you. I will burn down your house, arrest some of your relatives, and I will speak out against you anywhere and everywhere. By this, you and I must prove that we are implacable enemies and are persecuting each other.
You do not know those Ordzhonikidze GESTAPO agents through whom I told you to send all the information about our anti-Soviet work.
Write information about the results of the real uprising and send it to me, I can immediately send it to the address in Germany. You tear up my note in front of my messenger. Times are dangerous, I'm afraid.
Wrote (signature) Eagle.
10.XI.1941
GARF. F.R-9478. Op.1. D.55. L1-9.
Israilov Khusein Israilovich, born in 1909, a native of the village of Nikara, Galanchozhsky district of the Chechen ASSR, Chechen, citizen of the USSR, candidate member of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks from 1930 to 1933, completed two-year courses at Komvuz "e in the city of Rostov n / Don , headmaster from 1930 to 1941,
since 1941 he was in a gang. In 1937, we are judged by the Special Meeting of the NKVD of the USSR to 3 years of labor camp as a socially dangerous element.
Israilov's brother Hasan and Israilov's nephew Mohammed are in a gang.
Question: Since when and for what reasons did you start hiding from the authorities?
Answer: In October 1941, when I was director of the Bengaroy Incomplete high school Itum-Kalinsky district, I learned from my former father-in-law ODOEV Zama (now killed) about the intention of the Galanchozhsky regional department of the NKVD to arrest me for my brother Hassan and the possibility of sending me to the front.
Considering that at that time Chechens and Ingush were being mobilized into the Red Army, and being afraid of being called up and sent to the front, I decided to betray my homeland and join the counter-revolutionary gang of my brother Israilov Khasan.
From October 1941 to April 1942 I hid in the villages of Nikara, Bavloi and Bengaroy.
Question: Tell us about your brother Israilov Khasan?
Answer: Since 1914, with his brother Hassan, he was brought up together by his uncle KHATSIGOV Isa, in 1929 they studied together at Komvuz "e in the city of Rostov and Don. We often talked there, and Hasan had a great influence on me<...>
GARF. F-9478.
Department of the NKVD of the USSR for the fight against banditry.
From the report materials of the People's Commissar of Internal Affairs of the Georgian SSR Gr. Karanadze in the name of L. Beria September 18, 1943
About the actions of gangs of Chechen-Ingush groups in Khevsuretia and Gornaya Tushetia.
H. Israilov (Terloev) in 1933 was sent to study in Moscow at the KUTV named after. Stalin... In 1935 he was sentenced to 5 years in a forced labor camp. In 1937 he returned from Siberia...
Terloev formed a combat group in the Galanchozhsky district, and a bandit group led by Derkizanov in the Itumkalinsky district. Groups were also formed in Borzoi, Kharsinov, Dagi-Borzoi, Achekhna, and others.*
In 1941, he prepared an uprising, wrote the "Temporary program for the organization of Checheno-Ingushetia." Terloev was appointed chief of staff. By November 10, 1941, Terloev held 41 meetings of illegal organizations in 41 anti-Soviet villages. 5,000 people took the oath of "OPKB". Representatives were also sent to other neighboring republics.**
GARF. F.R-9478. Op.1. D.55. L.1-9.
* It was reported that in Checheno-Ingushetia, in addition to Grozny, Gudermes and Malgobek, 5 rebel districts were organized - 24,970 people. (GARF. F.R-9478. Op.1. D.55. L.13).
** From Terloev's diary:
The uprising was scheduled for January 10, 1942. The constituent assembly of the OPKB, convened on January 28, 1942 in Ordzhonikidze, was attended by 7 neighboring regions, 11 sections of the OPKB. The executive committee of the OPKB was elected - 33 people, the Organizing Bureau of the executive committee of the OPKB - 9 people. Terloev was the chief secretary.
Top secret.
State Defense Committee.
GOKO Decree # 5074ss
dated January 31, 1944. Moscow Kremlin.
The State Defense Committee decides:
1. To oblige the People's Commissariat of Agriculture of the USSR (comrade Andreev), the People's Commissariat for Meat and Dairy Industry of the USSR (comrade Smirnov), the People's Commissariat of State Farms of the USSR (comrade Lobanov) and the People's Commissariat of Agriculture (comrade Subbotin) to accept livestock and agricultural products from special settlers in the North Caucasus in places and within the time agreed with the NKVD of the USSR, with the issuance of exchange receipts accepted.
Acceptance of all property, as well as settlements on this property with special settlers, shall be carried out in accordance with the decree of the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR of October 14, 1943 # 1118-842ss.
To oblige the People's Commissariat of Agriculture of the USSR, the People's Commissariat for Meat and Dairy Industry of the USSR, the People's Commissariat of Agriculture and the People's Commissariat of State Farms of the USSR to prepare and send, within the time agreed with the NKVD of the USSR, special groups with a sufficient number of workers and forms of exchange receipts to register the acceptance of livestock and agricultural products from special settlers.
2. To send to the North Caucasus to organize and manage the reception of livestock, agricultural products and other property from special settlers, the commission of the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR in the following composition: chairman of the commission - Deputy Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars of the RSFSR Comrade Gritsenko and representatives: from the People's Commissariat of the USSR - Deputy People's Commissar Comrade Penzin , from the People's Commissariat for Meat and Milk Industry - a member of the collegium comrade Nadyarny, from the People's Commissariat of State Farms of the USSR - Deputy People's Commissar Comrade Kabanov, from the Narkomzag - a member of the collegium comrade Pustovalov.
3. Oblige the NKPS (comrade Kaganovich) to organize the transportation of special settlers from the North Caucasus to the Kazakh SSR and the Kirghiz SSR, forming for this purpose special echelons of heated and equipped wagons for human transportation.
The number of echelons, the timing of the supply of wagons, the places of loading and unloading at the request of the NKVD of the USSR.
Payments for transportation according to the tariff for transportation of prisoners.
NKPS and TsUPVOSO (comrade Khruleva) to ensure the promotion of echelons to their destination on the basis of military rights, with the establishment of special dispatcher supervision over their progress.
4. To oblige the People's Commissariat of Trade of the USSR, under the personal responsibility of Comrade Lyubimov, to ensure the issuance of hot food and boiling water to passing echelons with special settlers in accordance with the schedule for the movement of echelons drawn up by the NKVD of the USSR and the NKPS.
To carry out organizational and preparatory work and check the readiness of nutritious points and railway buffets to serve echelons with special settlers, send responsible representatives of the People's Commissariat of Trade to places along the route of the echelons, no later than February 1.
5. To oblige the People's Commissariat of Health of the USSR, under the personal responsibility of Comrade Miterev, to ensure the allocation of one doctor and two nurses with an appropriate supply of medicines for each echelon with special settlers, within the time limits agreed with the NKVD of the USSR, and also to prepare sanitation points and isolation rooms of the People's Commissariat of Health along the way of the echelons .
6. To oblige the Main Directorate of State Material Reserves under the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR (comrade Danchenko) to unbook from the state reserve for special work 4000 tons of gasoline for the NKVD of the USSR, 500 tons of gasoline for the SNK of the Kazakh SSR and 150 tons for the SNK of the Kirghiz SSR.
To oblige Glavneftesnab under the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR (comrade Shirokov) to ship the indicated gasoline to points in agreement with the NKVD of the USSR, the Council of People's Commissars of the Kazakh SSR and the Council of People's Commissars of the Kirghiz SSR with target tanks with delivery to the places on time - for the NKVD of the USSR during February 1944 and for the Council of People's Commissars of the Kazakh SSR and SNK of the Kirghiz SSR - until February 15, 1944
7. Oblige the People's Commissariat of Finance of the USSR (comrade Zverev) to release in February 1944 the NKVD of the USSR from the reserve of the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR an advance payment in the amount of 80 million rubles for special work.
Oblige the People's Commissariat of Finance of the USSR (comrade Zverev) and the NKVD of the USSR (comrade Chernyshov) to submit to the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR within 5 days a joint proposal on additional allocation of funds to the NKVD of the USSR for special work.
8. To oblige the People's Commissariat of Agriculture of the USSR (comrade Andreev) to transfer to the NKVD of the USSR for the military units of the police from among the 350 horses received from special settlers in the North Caucasus, fit for military service.
Seal
Deputy Chairman of the State Defense Committee
V. Molotov
Sent t.t. Molotov, Malenkov, Beria, Voznesensky, Skvortsov, Undasynov, Bogdanov, Vagov, Kulatov, Pchelkin, Andreev, Benediktov, Kosygin, Smirnov, Lobanov, Subbotin, Gritsenko, Chadaev - all: Shamberg, Popov, Shatalin, Zverev, Genzin, Nadyarnykh, Kabanov (NKSovhozov), Pustovalov, Kaganovich, Khrulev, Izmailov, Golubev, Lyubimov, Miterev, Danchenko, Shirokov, Sokolov, Chernyshov - respectively.
27 am. Mernilov - NKGB - everything.
RTSKHIDNI. F.644. Op.1. D.200. L.13-15.
Copy
Top secret
People's Commissar of Internal Affairs of the USSR Comrade. Beria L.P.
February 1944
memorandum
Having intelligence information that Israilov Khasan is hiding Jovatkhan Murtazaliev with the help of his brother Ayub and son Khas-Magomed, on February 13 we secretly arrested Jovatkhan and Ayub Murtazaliev.
As a result of interrogations, Ayub Murtazaliev testified that Khasan was hiding in a cave in the Bachi-Chu mountain of the Dzumsoevsky village council of the Itum-Kalinsky district.
On the night of February 14-15, an operational group led by Comrade. Tsereteli cave, indicated by Ayub Murtazaliev, was surrounded and searched. However, Hassan Israilov was not there. During a search of the cave, one serviceable Degtyarev light machine gun and 3 discs for it, one English ten-shot rifle, one Iranian rifle, one Russian three-line rifle in good condition, 200 pieces of rifle cartridges and authentic records of Hassan Israilov related to his rebel activities, weighing about two kg.
In this correspondence, lists of members of the insurgent organization NSPKB (OPKB. - N.B.) were found in 20 villages of Itum-Kalinsky, Galanchozhsky, Shatoevsky and Prigorodny districts of the CHI ASSR, with a total number of 6540 people, 35 tickets of members of the fascist organization "Caucasian Eagles", received Israilov Khasan through German paratroopers dropped during 1942-1943. on the territory of the Chechen-Ingush Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic.
In addition, the map of the Caucasus on German, on which, on the territory of the Chechen-Ingush Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic and the Georgian SSR, settlements are underlined in which there are cells of the insurgent organization NSPKB.
Not finding Israilov Hasan in the cave, we demanded from Ayub Murtazaliev to show us where Israilov Hasan could go and his cave. Murtazaliev Ayub, after a little pressure on him, said that Hasan was taken to another cave by the son of Jovatkhan Murtazaliev, Khas-Magomed.
On February 15, we managed to arrest Khas-Magomed Murtazaliev, whom Comrade Tsereteli began interrogating in Itum-Kale.
Preparations for the operation to evict Chechens and Ingush are coming to an end. After clarification, 459,486 people subject to resettlement were registered, including those living in the regions of Dagestan, bordering on Checheno-Ingushetia and in the mountains. Vladikavkaz.
Taking into account the scale of the operation and the peculiarity of the mountainous regions, it was decided to carry out the eviction (including the boarding of people in echelons) within 8 days, within which the operation will be completed in the first 3 days throughout the entire lowland and foothill areas, and partially for some populations of mountainous regions, covering more than 300 thousand people.
In the remaining 4 days, evictions will be carried out in all mountainous areas, covering the remaining 150 thousand people.
Mountainous areas will be blocked in advance...
Given the seriousness of the operation, please allow me to remain in place until the operation is completed, at least in the main, i.e. until February 26-27, 1944
L. Beria.
GARF. F.9401. Op.2. D.64. L.167.
In order to successfully carry out the operation to evict the Chechens and Ingush, following your instructions, in addition to the Chekist-military measures, the following was carried out:
1. It was reported to the Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars of the Chechen-Ingush Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, Molaev, about the government's decision to evict the Chechens and Ingush and about the motives that formed the basis of this decision.
Molaev shed tears after my message, but pulled himself together and promised to fulfill all the tasks that would be given to him in connection with the eviction. Then, in Grozny, together with him, 9 leading officials from Chechens and Ingush were scheduled and convened, and they were informed about the progress of the eviction of Chechens and Ingush and the reasons for the eviction.
We assigned 40 republican party and Soviet workers from Chechens and Ingush to 24 districts with the task of picking up 2-3 people from the local activists for each settlement for agitation.
A conversation was held with the most influential clerics in Checheno-Ingushetia B. Arsanov, A.-G. Yandarov and A. Gaysumov, they were called upon to provide assistance through the mullahs and other local authorities.
The eviction begins at dawn on February 23 this year, it was supposed to cordon off the areas in order to prevent the population from leaving the territory settlements. The population will be invited to the gathering, part of the gathering will be released to collect things, and the rest will be disarmed and taken to the places of loading. I believe that the operation to evict the Chechens and Ingush will be carried out successfully.
Beria GARF. F.R-9401. Op.2. D.64. L.166.
The operation to evict Chechens and Ingush is proceeding normally. By the evening of February 25, 342 thousand 647 people were loaded into railway trains. From the loading station, 86 echelons were sent to the places of new resettlement.
Beria
GARF. F.R-9401. Op.2. D.64. L.160
Preparations for the reception and resettlement of special settlers in the Kazakh SSR on February 25 were basically completed. Special settlers settle in collective farms 309,000 people, in state farms - 42,000 people, in enterprises - 49,000 people. 1590 vehicles, 57 thousand carts, 103 tractors were mobilized for delivery...
In the areas of settlements, 145 district and 375 settlement special commandant's offices of the NKVD were organized with 1358 people. states.
Nasedkin
Bogdanov
GARF. F.R-9479. Op.1. D.182. L.62,64.
From a letter from the Secretary of the Grozny Regional Committee of the RCP (b) P. Cheplakov G.M. Malenkov
In February 1944, 32,110 households of Chechens and Ingush were deported to Central Asia from 11 districts of the former Chechen-Ingush Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, which were part of the newly created Grozny region. According to the decree of the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR of March 9, 1944, 6800 households were resettled to the indicated areas from the Stavropol Territory, 5892 farms of collective farmers from the Grozny region, residents of the city of Grozny, were resettled to the rural areas of the former Chechen-Ingush Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, and in total until May 15, 1944 12,692 families were settled in the villages where Chechens and Ingush lived, at the expense of which 65 collective farms were organized. The number of people moved in was 40% of the number of those evicted. 22 villages remained uninhabited and 20 villages were partially populated.
CHGNA. F.220. Op.1. D.26. L.113.
P. Cheplakov proposed to relocate to the Grozny region until October 1944 another 5,000 farms from individual land-poor regions of the Mordovian Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, Tambov, Penza, Ryazan, Ulyanovsk, Saratov, Gorky, Yaroslavl and other regions. (Ibid. L.114).
I am reporting on the results of the operation to evict Chechens and Ingush. The eviction began on February 23 in most areas, with the exception of high-mountain settlements.
By February 29, 478,479 people, including 91,250 Ingush, were evicted and loaded into railway trains. 180 echelons have been loaded, of which 159 echelons have already been sent to the place of the new settlement.
Today, echelons with former Chechen-Ingush leaders and religious authorities, who were used in the operation, have been sent.
From some points of the Galanchozhsky district, 6 thousand Chechens remained not evicted, due to heavy snowfall and impassability, the export and loading of which will be completed in 2 days. The operation proceeded in an orderly manner and without serious cases of resistance or other incidents.
A search is also being carried out in the forest areas, where the NKVD troops and the task force of the Chekists are temporarily left to the garrison. During the preparation and conduct of the operation, 2016 people of the anti-Soviet element from among the Chechens and Ingush were arrested. 20,072 firearms were confiscated, including 4868 rifles, 479 machine guns and submachine guns.
L. Beria
GARF. F.R-9401. Op.2. D.64. L.161.
Secret
From Decree # 255-74ss
On the settlement and development of the regions of the former Chechen-Ingush Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic
March 9, 1944
In connection with the formation of the Grozny District on the territory of the former Chechen-Ingush ASSR as part of the Stavropol Territory and the inclusion of part of the regions of the former Chechen-Ingush ASSR into the Dagestan ASSR, the North Ossetian ASSR and the Georgian SSR, the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR decides:
1. Oblige the Stavropol Territory Executive Committee, the Council of People's Commissars of the Dagestan ASSR, the North Ossetian ASSR and the Georgian SSR:
a) before April 15, 1944, to relocate to the former Chechen and Ingush collective farms, in the areas included in the Grozny District from the Stavropol Territory, 800 farms, in the districts included in the Dagestan ASSR from the Dagestan ASSR - 500 farms, in the districts included in the Dagestan ASSR North Ossetian Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic - from the North Ossetian Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, - 500 households;
b) staff the districts handed over to them with senior officials within two weeks and within this period complete the acceptance of the allocated livestock, as well as all residential and outbuildings, agricultural implements and other property.
2. To oblige the Council of People's Commissars of the RSFSR, the Stavropol Regional Executive Committee, the Council of People's Commissars of the Dagestan ASSR of the North Ossetian ASSR, the Georgian SSR and the People's Commissariat of Agriculture of the USSR to develop measures for the further settlement and development of the regions of the former Chechen-Ingush ASSR before June 1, 1944 and submit their proposals for consideration by the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR. ..
Deputy Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR
V.Molotov
Manager of Affairs of the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR
People's Commissar of the USSR
Ya.Chadaev
GARF. F.R-5446. Op.47. D.4356. L.59-62.
Form the Grozny region with the center in the city of Grozny and, in this regard, liquidate the Grozny and Kizlyar districts of the Stavropol Territory.
To include in the Grozny region the city of Grozny and the districts: Ataginsky, Achkhoi-Martanovsky, Galanchozhsky, Galashkinsky, Groznensky, Gudermessky, Nadterechny, Staro-Yurtovsky, Sunzhensky, Urus-Martanovsky, Shali and Shatoevsky of the former Grozny district, the city of Kizlyar and the districts: Achikulaksky, Karanogaisky, Kayasulinsky, Kizlyarsky and Shelkovsky of the former Kizlyarsky district, as well as the Naursky district, separating it from the Stavropol Territory.
Submit this resolution for approval by the Supreme Soviet of the USSR.
Protocol # 16, item 35.
(Collection of Laws of the RSFSR and Decrees of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR. 1938-1946. Izvestia of the Soviets of Workers' Deputies of the USSR Publishing House. 1946. P.58.)
In 1944, up to 300 thousand children under the age of 16 arrived in the Kazakh, Kirghiz and Uzbek SSR as part of the families of Chechens, Ingushs, Karachays, Balkars, and Crimean Tatars. Special settlers are placed in small groups in collective farms and districts mixed with the local - Russian, Kazakh, Uzbek and Kyrgyz - population. They live under a special regime (prohibition to move freely outside the points of residence, etc.). Organize primary school for the children of special settlers of Chechens, Ingush, Karachais, Balkars and Crimean Tatars with education in their national languages, there is no possibility due to the lack of appropriate proven teaching staff. Due to all these conditions, the NKVD of the USSR considers it expedient to teach the children of special settlers in Russian in existing schools at their place of residence ...
Answer to the request of the UNKVD for the Grozny region Drozdov.
What about the Chechens and Ingush who were dismissed from the army and returned home?
The head of the Mobupravlenie of the Glavupravform of the Red Army # MOB 1/4069911-S dated July 3, 1944, reported on the refusal of the Grozny NKVD to accept sergeants dismissed from the army and enlisted personnel of Chechen and Ingush nationality to be sent to their place of resettlement.
It was ordered to send everyone to the disposal of the NKVD of the Taldy-Kurgan region of the Kazakh SSR.
Departure to be carried out in separate batches by a passenger train under escort, providing a ticket and meals, and 50 rubles. money.
Chernyshov
GARF. F.R-9401. Op.1. D.2077-86. L.15.
From the memorandum of L. Beria
comrade I.V. Stalin
comrade B.M. Molotov (CHK USSR)
comrade G.M. Malenkov (Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks)
July, 1944
In pursuance of the decision of the State Committee of Defense of the NKVD in February-March 1944, 602,193 people were resettled for permanent residence in the Kazakh and Kirghiz SSR, residents of the North Caucasus, including Chechens and Ingush - 496,460 people, Karachays - 68,327, Balkars - 37 406 people
The resettlement of this contingent from the territory of the North Caucasus and resettlement in the places of new residence was carried out satisfactorily. 428,948 people were placed in collective farms and 64,703 people in state farms, and 908,542 people were transferred for labor use in industrial enterprises.
The bulk of the special settlers were evicted to the territory of the Kazakh SSR (477,809 people). However, the republican bodies of the Kazakh SSR did not pay due attention to the issues of labor and economic organization of the special settlers of the North Caucasus. As a result, the domestic arrangements for special settlers in Kazakhstan and their involvement in socially useful work were in an unsatisfactory state. Families of special settlers settled in collective farms were not accepted as members of agricultural artels. The provision of household plots and vegetable gardens to the families of special settlers, as well as the provision of housing, went unsatisfactorily. Special settlers settled in state farms and transferred to industrial enterprises were poorly recruited to work in production, typhus, shortcomings in economic and household arrangements, theft, and criminal offenses were noted.
In May 1944, Deputy People's Commissar of Internal Affairs Kruglov was sent to the Kazakh SSR to restore order with a group of workers.
In July, 2,196 special settlers were arrested for various crimes. All were reviewed by the Special Meeting.
429 special commandant's offices of the NKVD were created to monitor the regime of residence of special settlers, to combat escapes, to provide operational security services and to assist in the fastest economic arrangement of special resettlement families.
The economic structure of the special settlers was improved. Out of 70,296 families settled on collective farms, 56,800 families, or 81%, became members of agricultural artels. 83,303 families (74.3%) received household plots and gardens.
12,683 families lived in their own homes. The work of labor children's colonies was organized. In June 1944, 1268 children were placed in them. Employment has improved. Thus, out of 16,927 able-bodied people, 16,396 people actually worked in the Dzhambul region;
GARF. F.R-9401. Op.2. D.63. L.311-313
Top secret
Received on "HF"
Head of the Directorate of the Security Council of the NKVD of the USSR
comrade Leontiev
November 26, 1944
December 1 this year we received agent Isbakhiev, who had returned from a meeting with Israilov. He submitted a letter filed by Israilov with the following content:
"Hello. I wish you dear Drozdov, I wrote telegrams to Moscow. Please send them to the addresses and send me receipts by mail with a copy of your telegram through Yandarov. Dear Drozdov, I ask you to do everything possible to get forgiveness from Moscow for my sins, for they are not as great as they are drawn in. Please send me through Yandarov 10-20 pieces of carbon paper, Stalin's report of November 7, 1944, at least 10 pieces of military-political magazines and brochures, 10 pieces of chemical pencils.
Dear Drozdov, please inform me about the fate of Hussein and Osman, where they are, whether they have been convicted or not.
Dear Drozdov, I need a cure for the tubercle bacillus, the best remedy has arrived.
With regards - wrote Khasan Israilov (Terloev)
GARF. F.R-9479. Op.1. D.111. L.191ob.
From the report on the work of the Department of the Special Settlement of the NKVD of the USSR (The Department was created on March 17, 1944)
September 5, 1944
About the Chechen-Ingush. At the beginning of the 1930s, a real threat arose in the region that significant masses would be drawn into the insurgent adventure.
As a result of subversive work, the main tracts of land were in individual use, until recently the purchase, sale and lease of land was practiced, the created collective farms existed formally, no more than 17% of arable land, up to 32% of hay land and a completely insignificant number of workers were socialized in them. livestock (about 5%). In connection with this situation, part of the poor and middle peasant masses fell under the influence and dependence of the kulaks.
IN broad masses on the basis of excesses and provocations, a deep fermentation took place, using this, the kulaks switched to open actions, dragging along a significant part of the middle peasants.
To eliminate this counter-revolutionary movement in March-April 1930, a series of serious KGB military operations were carried out with the support of artillery and aviation. In 1932, an armed uprising was organized with the participation of over 3,000 people, which covered all the villages of the Nozhai-Yurt region and a number of other villages.
At the end of January 1941, in Hilda-Khara, Itumkalinsky district, a protest against the Soviet government was provoked, in which local residents took part.
During this period, desertion from the Red Army by the Chechens and Ingush took on a massive character. From July 1941 to April 1942, more than 1,500 people deserted from among those drafted into the Red Army and labor battalions. And evaded military service there were over 2200 people. 850 men deserted from one national cavalry division...
GARF. F.R-9479. Op.1. D.768. l.129.
Tt. Kakuchai and Drozdov in the name of the deputy. People's Commissar of Internal Affairs of the USSR Comrade. Kruglov was informed that the task of Comrade Beria had been completed. Hassan Israilov was killed, the body was identified and photographed. Agents switched to the elimination of the remnants of bandits.
Resolution of comrade Leontiev: comrade. Barannikov - "Request a detailed message."
("Caucasian Eagles". M., 1993. P. 61)
Top secret(From O.P.)
Refundable
Extract from minutes # 66 of 1948
Resolved:
In order to strengthen the settlement regime for deportees from among Chechens, Karachais, Ingush, Balkars, Kalmyks, Germans, Crimean Tatars, etc., as well as to strengthen criminal liability for the escapes of deportees from places of compulsory and permanent settlement, the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks decides:
1. Establish that relocation to remote areas Soviet Union Chechens, Karachays, Ingush, Balkars, Kalmyks, Germans, Crimean Tatars, etc. were produced forever, without the right to return them to their former places of residence.
For unauthorized departure (escape) from places of compulsory settlement of these deportees, the perpetrators shall be prosecuted, having determined the punishment for this crime at 20 years of hard labor.
Cases regarding the escapes of evacuees are to be considered in a Special Meeting under the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the USSR.
Persons guilty of harboring deportees who fled from places of compulsory settlement or assisted in their escape, and persons guilty of issuing permission to deportees to return to their places of former residence, shall be held criminally liable, having determined the punishment for these crimes - imprisonment for 5 years .
(The draft Decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR is attached - appendix # 1).
2. To oblige the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the USSR (comrade Kruglov) and the Prosecutor General of the USSR (comrade Safonov) to henceforth all deportees detained for escaping from places of compulsory resettlement, as well as persons guilty of escaping, harboring deportees, and persons providing them assistance in settling them in the places of their former residence, - to arrest and prosecute them with the consideration of cases in the Special Meeting at the USSR Ministry of Internal Affairs, strictly guided by this decision.
4. To oblige the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the USSR (Comrade Kruglov) within a month to check the work of local bodies of the Ministry of Internal Affairs in exercising administrative supervision over deportees, in particular in terms of proper registration of settlers and ensuring a regime that excludes the possibility of escapes.
Based on the results of the inspection, take the necessary measures and report the results to the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks.
The Ministry of Internal Affairs of the USSR should continue to establish strict control over the work of its local bodies to ensure the necessary regime in places where evacuees are resettled.
5. To oblige the Ministry of State Security (comrade Abakumov), through the security agencies of the Ministry of State Security in railway and water transport, to take measures to identify, detain and arrest deportees who fled from places of compulsory settlement.
6. Oblige the Prosecutor General of the USSR comrade Safonov and the Minister of Internal Affairs of the USSR comrade Kruglov to investigate all cases when detainees in the areas of their former residence (Crimea, Checheno-Ingushetia, Kabarda, the region of the Volga Germans, Kalmykia, etc.) were returned back to places of resettlement without bringing them to criminal responsibility for their escape, and those responsible for allowing this anti-state practice to be brought to strict liability. Report the results to the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks within a month.
(See appendix #2).
Secretary of the Central Committee
5-p, st, ak
Fast. CM USSR # 4367-1726ss dated 11/24/1948
Comrade Stalin I.V.
Comrade Molotov V.M.
Comrade Beria L.P.
To Comrade Malenkov G.M.
January 31, 1946
Special settlers from the North Caucasus (Chechens, Ingush, Karachays, Balkars) in the amount of 131,480 families - 498,870 people settled in Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan, for the most part are economically arranged and all able-bodied people are involved in labor activity.
Out of a total of 205,000 able-bodied people, 194,800 are employed in industry, construction and agriculture. The remaining 10,700 people do not work for good reasons.
All special settlers are settled in rural areas. 81,450 families became members of collective farms.
55,260 families have acquired individual homes through new construction and the purchase of vacant premises from the local population. 47,930 families were settled at the place of work, in the houses of enterprises, cattle were given to each family free of charge, and long-term loans were issued. 4,796,000 rubles have been allocated for this. All special settlers are exempt from the mandatory supply of agricultural products and from paying agricultural and income taxes.
For two years, they were allocated 33,965 tons of food grains, flour and cereals, 78 tons of sugar, 582 tons of steel.
Chechen Magomed Khutuev, a collective farmer of the collective farm "10 years of October" in the Jalal-Abad region of the Kirghiz SSR, noted at a general meeting of collective farmers: "I thank Comrade Stalin for showing great concern for us, special settlers. We are considered one family of the Soviet Union. In these we will take part in the elections and vote for the candidates of our native Communist Party..."
Mulla Aliev, who lives on a collective farm in the Sverdlovsk district of the Dzhambul region, called on the special settlers not to participate in the voting, arguing that there were no representatives of the Chechen-Ingush among the nominated candidates for the USSR Supreme Soviet...
People's Commissar of Internal Affairs of the USSR S. KRUGLOV
GARF. F.R-9401. Op.2. D.134. L.176-180.
T. Stalin I.V.
COUNCIL OF PEOPLE'S COMMISSIONERS OF THE USSR
POCTAHOBLING # 1927
July 28, 1945 Moscow, Kremlin.
About benefits for special settlers
Advice People's Commissars of the USSR DECIDES:
1. Release in 1945 and 1946. special settler
MOSCOW, June 11 - RIA Novosti. The Federal Archival Agency (Rosarchiv) launched on Tuesday a unique site, Documents of the Soviet Era, which provided electronic access to more than 400,000 materials from the personal fund of Joseph Stalin and the Politburo of the Central Committee of the Communist Party.
The project was based on documents from the Russian State Archive of Socio-Political History, the former Central Party Archive of the CPSU, Andrei Artizov, head of the Russian Archive, said at the presentation of the site on Tuesday.
All materials are divided into two blocks: materials from the Politburo of the Central Committee of the RCP (b) for the years 1919-1933 and materials from Stalin's personal fund for all the years of the leader's life.
The total volume is 390 thousand pages or approximately 100 thousand documents. The digitization work took about five years. Documents can not only be read, but also printed, bookmarked in the text. It is also important that users can get a code to quote on social networks, such as Twitter and Facebook.
Artizov pointed out the importance of publishing the documents in light of the preparation of a new history textbook. This issue was discussed the day before at a meeting of the Presidium of the Russian Historical Society.
"The process of self-identification modern Russia will not be completed until we work together to develop a balanced approach to the Soviet era. An approach that will be based on an objective analysis and will soberly assess both the achievements of that time and the price that society and citizens had to pay for these achievements," Artizov said.
The rector of the Russian State Humanitarian University, historian Yefim Pivovar, agrees with him.
"Both the cognitive and methodological elements of this process are important. We are at the stage of preparing a new generation of history textbooks. These materials, previously inaccessible to a wide range of readers, should be reflected in educational literature for secondary and higher schools," the rector said.
"There are a lot of discussions about these stories and this open access to information will allow us to dismiss some radical positions, will allow us to use a scientific approach to analyze the processes that have taken place and which we do not hush up, but are ready to study, interpret at a new level using all the wealth materials," he added.
March 1953 Farewell to the "father of nations"Sixty years ago, on March 5, 1953, the Soviet party, statesman and military leader Joseph Vissarionovich Stalin died. During the funeral of the "father of peoples" there was a stampede in the area of Trubnaya Square, in which people died. From a few hundred to two or three thousand people died.The head of the Russian Archives also said that the English version of the site would eventually become available in other countries of the world, in particular in the United States. "It will be a paid subscription, part of the income from which will go to the Russian budget," he said.
According to Artizov, the Rosarchive plans to publish documents on the activities of the Soviet military administration in Germany, the German trophy fund and documents of the State Defense Committee on the occasion of the 70th anniversary of the Victory in the Great Patriotic War.
Vasily Soima
Candidate Book historical sciences, Colonel of the FSB Reserve, President of the Regional Public Foundation for the Promotion of Social and Legal Support for Veterans and FSB Officers of the Russian Federation Vasily Soima "Forbidden Stalin" is based on documents from the personal archive of I. V. Stalin. The materials cited in it - letters, notes, uncorrected transcripts of speeches - have never been analyzed or generalized either in Soviet or in modern Russian historiography.
V. Soima PROHIBITED STALIN
ABOUT THIS BOOK
After the death of I. V. Stalin, a huge number of documents (letters, notes, uncorrected transcripts of his speeches) remained, which have never been analyzed or generalized either in Soviet or in modern Russian historiography. The reason is simple: they come into conflict with the ideologemes of Khrushchev's and Gorbachev's propaganda and refute them.
One example: about Stalin's unpreparedness for war. In 1939, he carried out a secret operation - even the Ministry of Finance did not know about it - to purchase strategic raw materials from the West, which the USSR did not possess at that time. All four years of the war, these raw materials met the needs of the USSR by 70 percent. But Khrushchev's formula about Stalin's unpreparedness for war sits in the minds of people.
For the first time, the documents collected and commented on turn over the usual ideas about the personality of I.V. Stalin.
Chapter 1 SECRET FOREVER!
The writer Konstantin Simonov was six times a laureate of the Stalin Prize. He is a laureate of the Lenin Prize. Hero of Socialist Labor.
Simonov wrote a letter before the XXIII Congress of the CPSU, which opened on March 29, 1966. On the letter stored in the archive, there are notes from the hand of L. I. Brezhnev’s assistant A. M. Aleksandrov-Agentov: “Reported 23.111. comrade Brezhnev L.I., who on the same day talked with comrade. Simonov. A. M. Alexandrov. And further: “To the archive. A. M. Alexandrov. 16.1.66.
“TO THE FIRST SECRETARY OF THE CPSU CC Comrade L. I. BREZHNEV
Dear Leonid Ilyich!
I am taking up your time with this letter during the tense pre-Congress days because I am alarmed by some speeches, including writers, at the Congress of the Communist Party of Georgia, tending to new reassessments of the activities of JV Stalin.
Now, on the eve of the 23rd Congress, we are all most concerned about the problems of restructuring the economy, the enormous and exciting work ahead of us, which is necessary for the further movement towards communism.
But it seems to me that in that great and sharp struggle between the new and the old, which is already underway and is still ahead of us, everything inert, incapable of working in a new way, will more than once seek political support for itself in the canonization of Stalin and in ahistorical attempts to return to his methods of action.
In my attitude towards Stalin, for many years I was what they now call "Stalinists", and as a communist writer I bear my share of responsibility for this.
But I now bear the greater responsibility for ensuring that the full historical truth is told about Stalin and his cult of infallibility, in the creation of which we ourselves were involved.
I will take only one area historical events, on which I have been working for ten years as a writer, - the past war.
I am convinced that in the course of the war Stalin did everything he considered necessary for victory, but this cannot make me forget that he is also directly responsible for our defeats at the beginning of the war and all the extra casualties associated with it.
I cannot forget for a moment that before the war, according to official data published by us, as a result of arbitrariness, all commanders of military districts died, all members of military district councils, all corps commanders, almost all division commanders, most of the corps commissars and divisions, about half of the regimental commanders and about a third of the regimental commissars.
Having entered the war after such a defeat of the army personnel, any country would have perished. And the fact that our country did not die after that is a miracle that the people and the party performed, and not Stalin.
In the course of the war, Stalin showed great statesmanship, great firmness and will, and thus made a significant personal contribution to the victory of our country over the enemy. This should not be forgotten or hushed up under one indispensable condition - that along with this, never and under no circumstances should we forget and keep silent about Stalin's pre-war crimes that brought the country to the brink of catastrophe.
We must not forget one more thing: that, having contributed to our victory, after the war, Stalin again took up the beating of cadres (the Leningrad affair and many other things), and by the time of his death, the threat of a repetition of 1937 was growing in the country more and more clearly.
Provided that everything said by the Party at the 20th and 22nd Congresses is reaffirmed with all determination, there is no reason to unfairly keep silent about the merits that Stalin had during the war and in previous periods of history. If, however, his crimes against the party and the people are hushed up (which for some reason is increasingly taking place in our mass press), then all references to his real merits will look like an attempt to rehabilitate this major historical figure as a whole, including the rehabilitation of him direct crimes.
It seems to me that we now need to clearly and publicly separate in the minds of people those profoundly true general conclusions reached by the 20th and 22nd Congresses regarding J.V. said personally by N. S. Khrushchev.
We have no need to either slander or whitewash Stalin. We just need to know all the historical truth about him.
I belong to the number of people who think that acquaintance with all the historical facts connected with Stalin's activities will bring us many more painful discoveries. I know there are people who think otherwise. But if so, if these people are not afraid of facts and believe that the whole amount historical facts associated with the activities of Stalin, will speak in his favor, they should not be afraid to familiarize themselves with all these facts.
Since disputes around this problem continue in the Party and in the country - and one should not turn a blind eye to this - it seems to me that it would be right to appoint at the 23rd Party Congress a commission of party leaders and communist historians, which would consistently and objectively study all the main facts of Stalin's activity in all its periods and at a certain time would submit its preliminary conclusions for consideration by the Plenum of the Central Committee. I understand that we do not live in an airless space and that some of these facts, perhaps for a number of years, will have to be kept as party and state secrets. But the main conclusions of such a commission, proceeding from an objective study of all the facts, it seems to me that it would be right in one form or another to bring to public attention.
Maybe I'm trying to break through the open door with this letter and only take your time - then forgive me.
Respectfully yours, Konstantin Simonov
APRF. F. 80. Original. Typescript, signature - autograph.
This topic was not raised at the 23rd Congress. And the next ones too. Why was the side of his activity that was unfavorable for Stalin's overthrowers so carefully hidden in the hiding places of special stores? Maybe because the primary sources would shed light on the true background of the events, and they would appear before contemporaries not in a form distorted by numerous interpreters?
Let's take a look at these documents.
Chapter 2 LETTERS TO STALIN. FROM HIS PERSONAL ARCHIVE
A. V. Lunacharsky: "Don't forget me..."
Spring 1925. The discussion continues in the party about L. D. Trotsky's article "Lessons of October". Ordinary illiterate communists from the machine tool, who joined the RCP (b) on the “Lenin call”, have little understanding of what is happening. Not only is much unclear to them, it is difficult to figure it out even for such figures as the People's Commissar of Education A. V. Lunacharsky. And he addresses a letter to I. V. Stalin.
Owls. secret
Like probably many others, I am in a strange position. Still, I am listed as a member of the Government of the RSFSR, and yet I know nothing about what is happening in the party. Rumors are swirling, heterogeneous and contradictory.
However, it's not that I'm asking you to show me the way to the real information. I want to write to you that I am always ready to fulfill any desk, assignment, and to the best of my ability, modest, but also remarkable. At the same time, I have long been accustomed to consider you, among our leaders, the most infallibly sensitive and believe in your steely "firm flexibility".
I don't impose on the party. She better see who how to use. But in a big deal, one or the other can be forgotten. I remind you - you can have me unconditionally. With comm, hello
A. Lunacharsky.
APRF. F. 45. On. 1. D. 760. L. 150–150 rev. Autograph.
There is no Stalinist resolution on the letter. A typewritten copy certified by the head of the bureau of the Secretariat of the Central Committee of the RCP (b) L. 3. Mekhlis has been preserved in the file. Marked in the upper right corner:
"PB. Stalin's archive. Mehlis. 1/III". But this letter probably influenced Stalin's decision to accept a closed letter to local party organizations with an explanation of the essence of disagreements at the top of the party, which was adopted on April 26, 1925 by the Plenum of the Central Committee of the RCP (b), summing up the intra-party discussion.
A. I. Rykov: “Grisha will answer her ...”
At the beginning of February 1926, I. V. Stalin’s work “On the Questions of Leninism” was published as a separate pamphlet, in which he argued with G. E. Zinoviev on the main issues of the theory and practice of construction ...
Page 3 of 18
Chapter 2
LETTERS TO STALIN. FROM HIS PERSONAL ARCHIVE
A. V. Lunacharsky: "Don't forget me..."
Spring 1925. The discussion continues in the party about L. D. Trotsky's article "Lessons of October". Ordinary illiterate communists from the machine tool, who joined the RCP (b) on the “Lenin call”, have little understanding of what is happening. Not only is much unclear to them, it is difficult to figure it out even for such figures as the People's Commissar of Education A. V. Lunacharsky. And he addresses a letter to I. V. Stalin.
"April 1, 1925
Owls. secret
Expensive
Like probably many others, I am in a strange position. Still, I am listed as a member of the Government of the RSFSR, and yet I know nothing about what is happening in the party. Rumors are swirling, heterogeneous and contradictory.
However, it's not that I'm asking you to show me the way to the real information. I want to write to you that I am always ready to fulfill any desk, assignment, and to the best of my ability, modest, but also remarkable. At the same time, I have long been accustomed to consider you, among our leaders, the most infallibly sensitive and believe in your steely "firm flexibility".
I don't impose on the party. She better see who how to use. But in a big deal, one or the other can be forgotten. I remind you - you can have me unconditionally. With comm, hello
A. Lunacharsky.
APRF. F. 45. On. 1. D. 760. L. 150-150 rev. Autograph.
There is no Stalinist resolution on the letter. A typewritten copy certified by the head of the bureau of the Secretariat of the Central Committee of the RCP (b) L. 3. Mekhlis was preserved in the file. Marked in the upper right corner:
"PB. Stalin's archive. Mehlis. 1/III". But this letter probably influenced Stalin's decision to accept a closed letter to local party organizations with an explanation of the essence of disagreements at the top of the party, which was adopted on April 26, 1925 by the Plenum of the Central Committee of the RCP (b), summing up the intra-party discussion.
A. I. Rykov: “Grisha will answer her ...”
At the beginning of February 1926, I. V. Stalin’s work “On the Questions of Leninism” was published as a separate pamphlet, in which he argued with G. E. Zinoviev on the main issues of the theory and practice of building socialism. AI Rykov, a member of the Politburo of the Central Committee, chairman of the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR and the Council of People's Commissars of the RSFSR, responded to her.
The letter is on the letterhead of the Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR.
“February 6, 1926.
Top secret
Tov. Stalin
I have read your brochure. I read between appointments, phone calls, signing papers, etc. Therefore, I could miss a lot. It seems to me that the chapter on dictatorship is the most responsible. Dictatorship is interpreted as violence, and this, of course, is correct in every respect. But the pamphlet does not contain sufficiently clear precise formulations to the effect that the forms of dictatorship and forms of violence change depending on the situation, that dictatorship does not exclude, let us say, "revolutionary legality", even this or that extension of the electoral right. Under the conditions of civil peace, of course, the dictatorship is carried out differently than in the conditions of civil war. The extrajudicial use of violence, in line with the weakening of hostile forces, is decreasing and will continue to decrease. This applies, for example, to the use of capital punishment. The revival of the soviets and the increase in the rights of the volost and uyezd soviets, with the involvement in them of wide circles of the non-party peasantry, does not at all contradict the dictatorship of the proletariat and can only be carried out under certain conditions (unification of all the working and exploited people around the working class and the communist party). Something on this topic, it seems to me, needs to be done so that the reader can find in the pamphlet an answer to some of the burning questions of modern reality.
The brochure seems to be correct. Grisha will answer it, and I'm afraid that we will have to endure a new literary battle, although we still cannot do without it.
A. I. Rykov.
APRF. F. 45. On. 1. D. 797. Typescript with edits by the author.
His autograph.
Grisha is Grigory Efimovich Zinoviev (Radomyslsky). 1926 was for him last year being a member of the Politburo of the Central Committee as chairman of the Leningrad Soviet and chairman of the Executive Committee of the Comintern.
G. V. Chicherin:
"It's uncomfortable in your mouth..."
"November 2, 1926
Tov. Stalin
Dear comrade,
You were not given my note yesterday, in which I pointed out to you that all abroad - both the press and the governments - consider you the leading person of the USSR and regard your every word as a government manifesto; therefore, it is extremely inconvenient in your mouth to use such expressions as “either we will beat them or they will beat us” about other states. Or are we preparing for war? Where is our peace policy?
Chicherin.
APRF. F. 45. On. 1. D. 824. L. 51. Autograph.
The note dated November 1, about which the People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs of the USSR G. V. Chicherin asks, is missing from the archives.
M. S. Olminsky:
“We need to act by the measures of the GPU”
November 7, 1927, the tenth anniversary October revolution, Trotskyists and Zinovievites held alternative demonstrations in Moscow and Leningrad. Slogans floated over the columns calling for a change in the leadership of the party.
Critic and publicist, chairman of the Society of Old Bolsheviks M. S. Olminsky (Aleksandrov) turned to J. V. Stalin on this issue.
"November 10, 1927
Tov. Stalin
Comrade! The behavior of the opposition evoked in the party press an assessment of "stupid and shameful" on the day of 7/XI. Let me disagree with this assessment. I assume that the leaders are carrying out a plan of betrayal in relation to the party and the Union, that they are preparing the ground for themselves in the bourgeoisie. states - for example, in the ranks of the social traitors.
They say they need to be sent abroad. It's like condemning a pike to drowning in a river.
We must take measures by the GPU and not be late.
I repeat: one should not count on the stupidity of Kamenev, Trotsky and Zinoviev. Otherwise, we ourselves will remain in the cold.
M. Olminsky.
APRF. F. 45. On. 1. D. 781. D 25. Typescript.
N. Osinsky:
"Should they be driven north?"
"January 1, 1928
Copy
Personally
Dear Comrade Stalin,
yesterday I learned that V. M. Smirnov was being sent somewhere to the Urals for three years (probably to Cherdynsky district), and today, having met Sapronov on the street, I heard that he was going to the Arkhangelsk province, for the same period. At the same time, they have to leave already on Tuesday, and Smirnov has just pulled out half of his teeth to replace them with artificial ones, and is now forced to go toothless to the Ural North.
At one time, Lenin escorted Martov abroad with all the comforts, and before that he took care of whether he had a fur coat and galoshes. All this because Martov was once a revolutionary. Our former party comrades who are now being expelled are people who are deeply mistaken politically, but they have not ceased to be revolutionaries - this cannot be denied. They will not only be able to return to the Party someday (even if they swear about the new Party and the fact that the old one has outlived its usefulness), but if a difficult time comes, they can serve it in the same way as they served in October.
The question is, therefore, whether it is necessary to drive them to the North and actually lead a line towards their spiritual and physical destruction? I don't think so. And I don't understand why you can't I) send them
abroad, as Lenin did with Martov, or 2) to settle inside the country, in places with a warm climate, and where Smirnov, for example, could write a good book on credit.
Deportations of this kind only create unnecessary bitterness among people who cannot yet be considered lost and to whom the Party in the past has often been a stepmother, not a mother. They intensify the whispers about the similarities between our current regime and the old police, and also about the fact that "those who made the revolution are in prison and exile, but others rule." This is whispering that is very harmful to us, and why give it extra food? All the more so since our attitude towards political opponents from the camp called "socialist" has so far been determined only by the desire to weaken their influence and work, but not to avenge them, that is, for this influence and work.
I do not know whether these measures are being taken with your knowledge and consent, and therefore I considered it necessary to inform you about this and express my views. I am writing solely on my own initiative, and not at their request and without their knowledge.
With comradely greetings Osinsky.
APRF. F. 45. On. 1. D. 780. L. 12-13. Certified typewritten copy.
Briefly about the author and the persons mentioned in his letter. N. Osinsky is the pseudonym of V.V. Obolensky. At the time of writing the letter, he held the position of the head of the Central Statistical Administration, in 1929 he became deputy chairman of the Supreme Economic Council. He died in 1938.
V. M. Smirnov, for whom he stood up, was a Trotskyist, worked as a member of the Presidium of the State Planning Committee of the USSR. In 1926 he was expelled from the party, but was soon reinstated. In December 1927 he was expelled again. In 1937 he was repressed.
TV Sapronov also shared Trotsky's views. From 1922 he was secretary and member of the Presidium of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee. In December 1927 he was expelled from the party and exiled. Repressed in 1938.
L. Martov (M. O. Zederbaum) - one of the leaders of Menshevism, after the October Revolution opposed the Soviet government. In 1920 he emigrated to Germany, where he published the Socialist Bulletin. Died in 1923.
The fate of Osinsky's letter is as follows. The original was returned to the author with the following note from Stalin:
"Tov. Osinsky!
If you think about it, you will probably understand that you have no reason, either moral or whatever, to blaspheme the party, or take on the role of a superman between the party and the opposition. I am returning your letter to you as insulting to the party. As regards concern for Smirnov and other oppositionists, you have no reason to doubt that the Party will do everything possible and necessary in this respect. I. Stalin. 3/1-28
APRF. F. 45. On. 1. D. 780. L. 14. Typescript. about
The archives also contain a handwritten version, written from dictation, with Stalin's corrections. (Ibid. L. 15.)
The next day, N. Osinsky wrote to I. V. Stalin:
"Tov. Stalin, I do not need to think more or less about whether I can be an arbiter between the party and the opposition, or anyone else. You fundamentally misunderstand my point of view and psychology.
That the decision about the expulsions had been made by the party authority, I did not know this and conscientiously thought otherwise. I did not find it in the PB protocols - maybe it was adopted secretly. My message to you was purely personal. I personally wrote the letter on a field typewriter (just like this one) and personally brought it to the Central Committee. I would have brought it home, but in 1924 I tried to do this and was sent to your secretariat, although it was a very secret matter. I wrote “personal” on this letter, believing that your personal letters are not opened by secretaries.
My psychology is that I consider myself entitled to have an independent opinion on certain issues and to express this opinion (sometimes - in the most acute cases - only to you personally, or to you and Rykov, as you remember - during a congress).
Lately I have received two lessons on this part. As for the grain procurements, Rykov said that I needed to “fill my throat with lead.” You returned the letter to me. Well, if this is not possible, I will reckon with it.
But what is easier: let me go abroad to work on a book for a year - and there will be no trouble from me at all.
With comradely greetings Osinsky
4.1.1928
P.S. I will try to send this letter to you "only in person, with a receipt on the envelope."
APRF. F. 45. On. 1. D. 780. L. 16. Typescript with corrections by the author. Signature and postscript - autograph.
K. E. Voroshilov: “Yakira or Gamarnika?”
September 16, 1929
Cipher
Sochi. Stalin
Telegraph your opinion on the candidates for the post of Nachpur. I personally nominate candidates - Yakir or Gamarnik. Some people mention the names of Postyshev and Kartvelishvili. The issue must be resolved as soon as possible, since a bad impression is created due to the lack of replacement for Bubnov.
Voroshilov.
APRF. F. 45. On. 1. D. 74. L. 3. Autograph.
K. E. Voroshilov was the People's Commissar for Military and Naval Affairs of the USSR, Chairman of the Revolutionary Military Council of the USSR. He proposed to appoint I. E. Yakir, commander of the troops of the Ukrainian military district, or Ya. B. Gamarnik, first secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party (b) of Belarus, to the vacant post of Nachpur - head of the Political Directorate of the Red Army - instead of A. S. Bubnov, who had transferred to the people's commissar of education. P. P. Postyshev was then the secretary of the Kharkov district committee and the city party committee and at the same time the secretary of the Central Committee of the CP (b) of Ukraine, L. I. Kartvelishvili was the chairman of the Council of People's Commissars of the Georgian SSR.
The next day the answer came:
"Voroshilov. You can appoint either Yakir or Gamarnik, the rest do not fit. Stalin." (Ibid.)
The political administration of the Red Army was headed by Ya. B. Gamarnik, and Yakir could have.
The wife of the convicted N. D. Pleskevich:
“Drunkenly I tore off your portrait”
"Dear comrade. Stalin!
Forgive me for being bold, but I decided to write you a letter. I appeal to you with a request, and only you, you alone can kiss this, or rather, forgive my husband. In 1929, drunk, he tore your portrait from the wall, for which he was prosecuted for a period of three years. He still has 1 year and 2 months left to sit, but he cannot bear it, he is sick, he has tuberculosis. His specialty is a mechanic, from a working-class family, he has never been a member of any counter-revolutionary organizations. He is 27 years old, he was ruined by youth, stupidity, thoughtlessness; in this he already repents a thousand times.
I ask you to reduce his term or replace it with forced labor. He is already severely punished, earlier, before that, he was blind for two years, now he is in prison.
I ask you to forgive him, at least for the sake of the children. Do not leave them without a father, they will be forever grateful to you, I beg you, do not leave this request in vain. Maybe you will find at least five minutes of free time to tell him something comforting - this is our last hope for you.
His last name is Pleskevich Nikita Dmitrievich, he is in the city of Omsk, article 58, or rather, in the Omsk prison.
Don't forget us, Comrade Stalin.
Forgive him, or replace him with forced labor.
10.XII-30
Wife and children Pleskevich
I can send you a copy of the verdict, but please respond. Do not forget".
Responded. Did not forget. I read a letter from a simple peasant woman distraught with grief, was indignant at the extravagance of local sycophants and gave the appropriate order, as evidenced by this document:
Telegram
Novosibirsk PPOGPU Zakovsky
By order of Comrade Yagoda Pleskevich release Nikita Dmitrievich point HP 13566 Bulanov.
Secretary of the Board of the OGPU Bulanov
December 28, 1930
CA FSB. F. 2. On. 9. D. P. L. 76, 80.
Writer Vsevolod Ivanov: "Give me a thousand dollars"
The following letter was sent no later than July 24, 1930.
“Dear Joseph Vissarionovich, this document, unlike the one I sent you six months ago, will concern only me personally.
Burdened with debts (of which I have 14,000), family and other1 sins, I have accumulated a passion for how many materials in order to write some great and modern thing. It is difficult for me to take up this thing now, since I am forced to write short stories in order to feed my family, the financial inspector and smooth out other absurdities of our writing life. A. M. Gorky has long been calling me and calling me to go to Italy in order to sit there in the shade of the appropriate trees and stones and write something more impressive. Now I turned to him with a request that he support my petition to the Federal Government for permission to leave for six months with my family (three guys and a wife) to Italy and that I be allowed and given currency for 1000 dollars. It is with this request that I turn to you. I myself understand that money is now a currency - where it is needed for the Republic, but in America and Japan my play “Armored Train” is being shown in large and good theaters, I think that abroad it will be easier for me to get these theaters to pay me royalties and from these copyrights I undertake to return the amount that Narkomfin will give me. In addition, I have an agreement with the largest publishing house in Europe, Ulstein, for the novel that I am thinking of finishing in Italy, and by selling this novel, I will also be able to return the money. I believe that by my labors in favor of the Republic I have earned some confidence.
The second reason I turned to you is this: after famous history with B. Pilnyak, the Soviet public developed a kind of wary attention to fellow travelers, and along with Evg. Zamyatin and others quite often mentioned my name as a decadent and even a mystic. These statements remain on the conscience of our critics and they were caused by my book The Secret of Secrets and by some stories, the style of which I myself have now abandoned and whose motives have been drawn to life from my purely personal, bad moods. Now I myself would gladly refuse them, but what is written with a pen - and, in addition, “eternal” - cannot be cut down with an ax. Now I have visited many places in Russia, traveled with a writing team to Central Asia- in the most backward Soviet republic of Turkmenistan - and I myself feel, and others say that my spirit has become stronger. But, - the well-known shadow of the right fellow traveler still lies heavily on me, and I think that if I were asked for a passport, where it would be indicated that the N-th writer intends to leave with his wife and children, it is possible that some authorities reacted to this with irony they would think: “Where is he going. It wouldn’t be better for him to sit still and so on, ”and as for money, they would not have been given out without irony, so even if I received a passport, I would not be able to leave.
About three years ago I was already in Europe, but I only saw Europe outwardly superficially - and did not write anything about Europe.
Now, after I have finished my work in Italy, I think, after sending my family back, I myself will go to the Ruhr ... the metallurgical regions of Germany in order to see how and with what the European workers live. I need this so that next spring I can go to the heart of the Donbass and try to write a novel about Soviet miners - "Coal Miners", in a way in which I would like to draw a parallel between European and Soviet miners, and not looking at life and needs of European workers, it is difficult to do this.
I understand that the tasks that I set for myself are very difficult and responsible, but I believe that for the love and excellent attitude that I met from the beginning of my literary activity on the part of the Soviet public, they oblige me to pay my public debt to Soviet art and pay it back truly and in a good way. This debt can only be repaid with large and wide-ranging works that would reflect the era and the people who create it. I am writing this without bragging, but because everyone must believe and work with this faith in their talent. And if it doesn't work out: roll down a slope - and I agree to roll down this slope, without closing my eyes at full speed of the courier train.
That is why I decided to write this letter to you, and ending it, I repeat once again that I will not go to Europe as an idle tourist and spy - these years have already passed and will not return - I will go as a writer who is obliged and must compare these two of the world, opposed to each other and which may very soon have to meet with weapons in their hands against each other. I love my country, I am her servant and her weapons are my weapons.
I wish you all the best in the performance of the global and most responsible role that has fallen to your lot.
Vsevolod Ivanov
My address: Pervaya Meshchanskaya, 6, apt. 2
or the magazine Krasnaya Nov, Ilyinka, Staro-Pansky, house 4.
APRF. F. 45. On. 1. D. 718. L. 43-45. Typescript,
signature - autograph.
The letter of the writer V.V. Ivanov (1895-1963) was considered in the Orgburo on July 24, in the Politburo of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks on July 26, 1930. Two days before the consideration in the Orgburo, Stalin received a telegram from Maxim Gorky from Italy: “Convincingly
I ask you to allow Vsevolod Ivanov to go with his family to me in Sorrento and give him a thousand dollars. Bitter". On the telegram there is a note: “t. Kaganovich - for.
The Politburo decided: “Allow comrade. Ivanov Vsevolod with his family to go abroad (to Sorrento) with the issuance of a thousand dollars to him.
V. V. Ivanov mentions the writers B. A. Pilnyak (1894-1941) and E. I. Zamyatin (1884-1937) in an appeal addressed to Stalin. The first of them is the author of the infamous "Tale of the Unextinguished Moon", published in the magazine " New world”(No. 5 for 1926), in the plot of which the public saw a hint of the murder of the People's Commissar for Military Affairs M.V. Frunze, allegedly organized on the instructions of Stalin. In addition, Pilnyak wrote the story "Red Tree", published in 1929 in Berlin. Both of these works appeared in the indictment brought against him in 1937.
E. I. Zamyatin published the novel “We” abroad at the end of the twenties on English language, in which in a grotesque form he depicted life, people in a totalitarian society. In 1932 he emigrated abroad.
Arrested A. F. Andreev:
"Revolutionary legality must win"
“To the Secretary of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, comrade. Stalin
The commander of the reserve company Andrei Filippovich Andreev from the city of Zdorovets, Livensky district of the Central Chernobyl region
Statement
On October 1, 1918, I voluntarily entered the Red Army, where I remained until 1923. All this time he was at the fronts, holding command posts up to and including regiment commander, was wounded and presented for awarding the Order of the Red Banner. Having returned home and living in a poor household, I am exempt from agricultural tax. All the time I waged a resolute struggle against the kulaks, the White Guards and the crimes of individual workers, exposing their actions through the press of the regional newspapers, of which I have been a village correspondent until now. My notes were always confirmed, which is why a whole persecution opened up against me. The latter did not take any measures against the statements I submitted about the wrong actions of the workers of the Zdorovetsky village council to the local prosecutor of the Livensky district, fell under the influence of criminal workers, the White Guards, which is why a lot of outrages were happening in front of the eyes of the population with impunity. The White Guard officers got into the institutions, were even in the electoral committee at the Zdorovets village council and did their job. I, who nevertheless gave everything for the revolution, was not afraid of any persecution and never ceased to be a village correspondent and a public worker. On the basis of personal accounts of the kulaks, the White Guards and criminal workers, last year they cleaned me out of the collective farm, they wanted to deprive me of voting rights only because my peasant father died 17 years ago, he once sold tobacco and matches - in the election commission at that time was a White Guard officer Kozhukhov Ivan Ivanovich. I appealed to all district authorities with complaints, but I could not achieve anything. Now all these criminals, whose work I exposed through the press, have succeeded in arresting me on December 1, 1930, and keeping me under arrest without any interrogation, without even showing the reasons for my arrest. I applied with statements to the local prosecutor and to the representative of the GPU for the Livensky district, but no attention has been paid so far. All statements are hushed up, and the prosecutor even warned me not to disturb him with my statements. I led companies, battalions and regiments into battle with the White Guards, not in order now, through these same White Guards, to sit under arrest and endure undeserved mockery. I gave everything for the revolution, and I can still be a good commander and worker. Addressing you, comrade. Stalin, please pay attention to my statement and provide assistance to get out of this situation. Revolutionary legitimacy must win, the perpetrators of my unreasonable arrest must be punished. The material against me is in the Livny GPU - I confirm everything I have stated with the documentary data that I have. Reserve company commander - Andreev 23.1.31
Zdorovets, Livensky district, Central Black Earth region.
On the letter is the resolution of I.V. Stalin: “Comrade. Yagoda. Please do not hesitate to move one of your people (perfect) and in the Bolshevik way - honestly, quickly and impartially sort out the case, and regardless of faces. I. Stalin. 2/11-31".
CA FSB. F. 2. On. 9. D. 11. L. 138-140.
V. R. Menzhinsky:
“We ask you to establish the Order of Dzerzhinsky”
On November 14, 1932, the chairman of the OGPU V. R. Menzhinsky sent a letter to the Politburo of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, comrade. Stalin:
“By a decree of the Central Executive Committee of the USSR, orders were introduced that are issued to military units, collectives, institutions and individuals for performing military exploits or for special services to the revolution.
The specific working conditions of the OGPU require from the operational staff personal restraint, initiative, selfless devotion to the party and the revolution, personal courage, often associated with a risk to life.
In most cases, these exceptional services to the revolution are performed by individual workers in an environment that cannot be attributed to combat in the generally accepted sense, as a result of which a number of OGPU workers, despite their merits, remain unremarked. the highest award- Order of the Red Banner.
Based on this, the Board of the OGPU asks to establish the Order of Felix Dzerzhinsky, timed to coincide with its establishment on the 15th anniversary of the organs of the Cheka - OGPU.
The Order of "Felix Dzerzhinsky" can be awarded to employees and military personnel of the OGPU, individual military units of the OGPU and the Red Army, as well as citizens of the USSR who have rendered outstanding services in the fight against counter-revolution.
The awarding of the Order of Felix Dzerzhinsky is carried out by the Central Executive Committee of the USSR on the proposal of the Collegium of the OGPU.
Presenting at the same time a draft resolution, a sample and a description of the order, we ask for your approval.
Appendix: 1. Draft resolution of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks.
2. Sample and description of the order.
Description of the Order of "Felix Dzerzhinsky" The Order of "Felix Dzerzhinsky" is a sign depicting a bas-relief of Felix Dzerzhinsky, placed on the Red Star, framed by a wreath of steel-colored laurel leaves. Above - a sword and a Red Banner with the slogan "Proletarians of all countries, unite!" At the bottom of the order on a red ribbon is the inscription: "For the merciless struggle against the counter-revolution" - a symbol of readiness for a merciless struggle against the enemies of the proletarian revolution.
RTSKHIDNI. F. 558. On. 1. D. 5284. L. 1-3. Script. On the document is a resolution: “Against. St.".
A. M. Gorky:
“To give awards the name of Stalin”
On January 7-12, 1933, a joint plenum of the Central Committee and the Central Control Commission of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks was held in Moscow. I. V. Stalin opened it with the report “Results of the First Five-Year Plan”. On January 11, he delivered a speech "On work in the countryside." From warm Sorrento, Gorky responded to the events in the USSR.
"January 16, 1933.
Dear Joseph Vissarionovich!
The secretariat of the History of the Civil War has completed the selection of material for the first four volumes.
Now it is necessary for the main editorial board to approve the authors scheduled for processing the material, which I kindly ask you to do. Authors must submit manuscripts by March 31. I beg you: move this thing! I get the impression that the main editorial board is sabotaging this work.
It was with a feeling of deepest satisfaction and admiration that I read your powerful and wise speech at the plenum. I am absolutely sure that it will cause an equally powerful echo everywhere in the world of working people. Under its calm, tightly bound form, such a booming thunder is hidden, as if you squeezed into words all the roar of the construction of the past years. I know you don't need praise, but I think I have the right to tell you the truth. You are a great man, a true leader, and the proletariat of the Union of Soviets is happy because it is headed by Ilyich second in strength of logic and inexhaustible energy. I firmly shake your hand, dear and respected comrade.
A. Peshkov.
On the back of a sheet of writing paper there is an inscription:
“And that the construction of the All-Union Institute for the Study of Man was stretched out for five years? This seems to me wrong and capable of dampening the enthusiasm of the scientific fraternity, excited by you. You yourself said at the meeting that they had no reason to reckon with the second five-year plan and that they had to build in three years. The GPU offered to build even in two. My haste is explained as follows: in general, we are somewhat behind the construction of industry in the construction of cultural institutions. The Institute, in terms of the breadth and novelty of its goals, is an unprecedented phenomenon, the sooner it is implemented, the sooner we will win the attention and sympathy of scientists in Europe and America, and this "moral currency" can turn into a real one. You have probably heard about a free offer of services for the construction of the Institute by an American engineer? I have reason to think that we will receive quite a few such and more significant practical proposals if we announce the construction of the Institute as a strike.
Be healthy, dear IV!
16.1.33 A. Peshkov.
Aleksey Tolstoy is starting an All-Union competition for comedy - I am enclosing a draft resolution on the competition.
There is a strong revival among writers and a desire to work seriously, so the competition can give good results. But for the All-Union competition, seven prizes are not enough, they should have been increased to at least 15, and the amount of the first prize increased to 25 thousand - to hell with them! - and give the prizes the name of Stalin, because this idea comes from you.
Besides: why only comedy? Drama needs to be included.
Then I considered it necessary to especially emphasize the participation in the competition of writers from all republics and national minorities. It's time for our - center - theaters to pay attention to Ukrainian, Georgian, Armenian and Tatar dramaturgy. This would be quite good for the purposes of mutual understanding and unity, which we lack. In the Union of Soviets, the process of mixing blood, the process of the birth of a new race, is widely developing, and therefore we must not forget about all the possibilities of mixing cultures.
Wouldn't you instruct one of your more intelligent comrades to organize this competition? Tolstoy does not need to be excluded from the case, he is a "hurried" person, but very useful.
I'm sorry to bother you.
A.P.
APRF. F. 45. On. 1. D. 719. L. 97-97 rev., 98-98 rev. Autograph.
Gorky's letter was retyped in Stalin's secretariat. On the typewritten copy - his underlining. At the top is the resolution: “To the archive (mine). I. Stalin.
On February 3, 1933, he replied to Gorky:
“Dear Alexei Maksimovich!
Received a letter dated 16.1.33. Thank you for the kind words and for the "praise". No matter how people brag, they still cannot be indifferent to “praise”. It is clear that I, as a person, am no exception.
1. The case with the “History of Citizens. war" is, it turns out, worse than one might think. For guidance, I am sending you
communication of the secretariat “History of Citizens. War" on the state of preparation and publication of the first 4 volumes. From the message you will see that even the dates June - July 1933 for the first two volumes are not provided. At a meeting of members of the secretariat with such an editorial (I and Molotov were present) a decision was made on the first two volumes. Comrade Kryuchkov was absent, because he is now in Leningrad. The minutes of the meeting are attached.
2. Deal with the "All-Union Institute for the Study of People." we will definitely move as soon as scientists from Leningrad present a concrete plan.
3. The competition for comedy (and drama) will end in a few days. We won't let Tolstoy get kicked off. We will provide everything according to your requirement. As for “giving the prizes the name of Stalin,” I strongly (resolutely!) object. Hey! Shake your hand!
P.S. Take care of your health. I. Stalin.
APRF. F. 45. On. 16. D. 719. L. 102-102v. Autograph.
The idea of creating the "History of the Civil War in the USSR" belonged to A. M. Gorky. He caught fire with it back in 1928. Three years later, at his insistence, the Politburo of the Central Committee adopted a resolution stating: “Approve the initiative of Comrade A. M. Gorky and proceed with the publication for the broad working masses of the History of the Civil War (1917-1921) in 10-15 volumes.”
The first volume, edited by him personally, was published in 1937 - a year after the death of the writer. The second volume, prepared during Gorky's lifetime, was published in 1942. The third volume appeared in 1957, the fourth - in 1959, the fifth (final) - in 1960.
V. D. Bonch-Bruevich: “Catch these scoundrels”
The first manager of the affairs of the Council of People's Commissars V. D. Bonch-Bruevich, having moved from 1933 to work in the State literary museum in Moscow, was distinguished by extraordinary activity in writing all kinds of letters. He threw them at the leaders of the country for any reason.
"May 22, 1933
Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks)
Tov. I. V. Stalin
Dear Iosif Vissarionovich, the other day they sent me a libel on Gorky by mail, the original of which I sent with a special letter to Comrade G. G. Yagoda. I am sending a copy of the letter to Comrade Yagoda, as well as a copy of this libel.
I think that the most energetic order should have been made in the OGPU to catch these scoundrels who allow themselves to send such vile things against Alexei Maksimovich by our mail.
With communist greetings, Vlad. Bonch-Bruevich.
APRF. F. 45. On. 1. D. 719. L. 121. Typewritten, signed - autograph.
The lampoon that angered Bonch-Bruevich consisted of three quatrains under the general title "The Baron of Sorrento." It quite caustically ridiculed the inconsistency of the views and actions of A. M. Gorky.
Stalin wrote on the text of the leaflet in black pencil: “Scoundrel! I. St. And on a letter from Bonch-Bruevich: “My arch. St.".
Of course, he also read a copy of the letter that Bonch-Bruevich sent to Yagoda.
“Dear Genrikh Genrikhovich,” the letter said to the deputy chairman of the OGPU. - I am sending you a copy (here, probably, a typo, the original was sent. - V.S.) of the libel on Gorky, which was sent to me in an envelope on May 16, 1933. So we have some dirty tricks in Moscow who allow themselves not only to type on a typewriter, but also to distribute such vile and vile things. It would be very good to take this public under the gills. I am sending you the original of this letter, which may help you to determine by typewriter where it is cooked; also the envelope, on which there is a stamp, and therefore it is possible to determine the area where this letter was dropped.
K. B. Radek:
“I can’t admit his conscious guilt”
"June 14, 1933
Dear comrade Stalin!
I am addressing you on a question on which I did not consider it possible to address you until now - on the question of the situation of E. A. Preobrazhensky.
I was with him all the time before his exile and after his return in sincere and friendly relations, although we met very rarely. I knew what he was breathing. And I told you, Comrade Stalin, that E. A. thought of only one thing, how to harness himself to work, how to help the party to carry out the five-year plan. He understood what was the basis of the old mistakes (we have many times established in conversations the fallacy of our old attitude to the question of the possibility of building socialism in one country), he realized that we were wrong against the main cadre of the party and you. Not only did he not maintain any ties with the Trotskyists, but he had neither the thought nor the mood that is a bridge to Trotskyism. His arrest, exclusion from the party and exile were a terrible surprise to me. Only later did I learn that he was accused of not informing the party about the existence in Kazan in 1929 of some opposition Tatar group. I do not know anything about his explanations regarding this accusation (he does not write to me, apparently afraid of complicating my party position). But knowing his attitudes, I cannot admit his conscious guilt.
I did not address you in this case, just as I did not address you in the case of the arrested and exiled Robinson. Bliskavitsky. Gaevsky. Bronstein, about whom I know that they worked honestly, faithfully, did not double-deal with the party, and whom the arrest considered as a mistake of the OGPU, explainable and understandable in a necessary, but difficult operation. I did not address you on these matters, although I believe that the loyalty of the party requires not only the fight against its enemies, but also the help of the party when its fire falls on its own guys by mistake. But I made the reservation that I have no special right to require you to trust my statements. You must be distrustful and firm, for there are still great trials ahead: only those who do not waver in them can be considered proven.
If now I nevertheless turn to you, it is because I have learned that the child, to whom E. A. is very attached, is dangerously ill. Allow E. A. to come to the child for a few days, give him the opportunity to talk with one of the leading comrades. You know E.A. from the past, you know his strengths and weaknesses. I am convinced that if you or any of your close leading comrades talk to him, you will be convinced that it is worth helping him get out of that terrible situation: to agree with the party line and sit in exile for old sins.
If what I am writing does not convince you (I may not know much in this matter), forgive the involuntary mistake. I am writing this letter, I think that I am doing not only a good personal thing, but also a good party one. My appeal is dictated not only by old friendship with E. A. (which I would not consider if I thought that it was contrary to the interests of the party), but also by attachment to you and deep confidence that you will understand the motives that guide me.
Sincerely, Karl Radek
14/VI
P.S. The situation of the child E.A. has deteriorated greatly.
APRF. F. 45. On. 1. D. 791. L. 31-32. Autograph.
K. B. Radek (Sobelson) (1886-1939) - party publicist, collaborated with Pravda and Izvestia. Subsequently, he was convicted and killed by fellow inmates in prison.
E. A. Preobrazhensky (1886-1937) - a well-known oppositionist of the Stalinist line. In October 1927, as a supporter of Trotsky, he was expelled from the party, in January 1928 he was exiled to the city of Uralsk. In 1929-1930 he worked in the State Planning Committee of the Tatar ASSR. In January 1930 he was reinstated in the RCP(b). Since 1932, a member of the board of the People's Commissariat of Light Industry of the USSR, deputy head of the department of the People's Commissariat of State Farms of the USSR. In January 1933 he was arrested and exiled to Kazakhstan for three years.
S. G. Robinson (1892-?), manager of the Moscow tram trust; N. M. Bliskavitsky (1897-?), Deputy Director of the Moscow plant. M. V. Frunze; D. S. Gaevsky (1897-?), director of Mosoblkoopstroy; L. I. Bronshtein (1899-?), teacher of political economy at the Moscow Mechanics and Mathematics Institute, were arrested and exiled in the case of the counter-revolutionary Trotskyist group of I. P. Smirnov, V. A. Ter-Vaganyan, E. A. Preobrazhensky and others .
Sverdlov wanted to run?
Unbelievable, but true: the fireproof cabinet of the Chairman of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee Ya. M. Sverdlov after his death was not opened for 16 years.
Its contents became known only in 1935, and to us even later, almost 60 years later, from a declassified note by the People's Commissar of Internal Affairs of the USSR G. Yagoda addressed to I.V. Stalin.
"To the Secretary of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks"
comrade Stalin
In the inventory warehouses of the commandant of the Moscow Kremlin, the fireproof cabinet of the late Yakov Mikhailovich Sverdlov was kept locked. The keys to the closet were lost.
The cupboard was opened by us and it contained:
1. Gold coins of royal minting in the amount of one hundred and eight thousand five hundred twenty-five (108,525) rubles.
2. Gold items, many of which are with precious stones - seven hundred and five (705) items.
3. Seven clean forms of royal-style passports.
4. Seven passports filled out in the following names:
A) Sverdlov Yakov Mikhailovich, B) Gurevich Cecilia-Olga,
B) Ekaterina Sergeevna Grigorieva,
D) Princess Baryatinsky Elena Mikhailovna, D) Polzikov Sergei Konstantinovich, E) Romanyuk Anna Pavlovna, G) Klenochkin Ivan Grigorievich.
5. One-year passport in the name of Goren Adam Antonovich.
6. German passport in the name of Stal Elena.
In addition, only seven hundred and fifty thousand (750,000) rubles worth of royal credit cards were found.
A detailed inventory of gold items is made with specialists.
People's Commissar of Internal Affairs of the USSR (Yagoda)
July 27, 1935
No. 56568".
X. G. Rakovsky: “I give you an assurance”
X. G. Rakovsky was a major party and statesman. In 1919-1920 he was a member of the Organizing Bureau of the Central Committee of the RCP(b). But for opposition activities he lost all his posts and since 1934 he was only a modest head of the RSFSR People's Commissariat of Health. In November 1927, by decision of the Central Committee and the Central Control Commission of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, he was expelled from the Central Committee, and later, at the XV Congress, he was expelled from the party for participating in the Trotskyist opposition. In 1935 he was reinstated in the CPSU(b). To celebrate, he wrote to Stalin.
"November 28, 1935
Dear Joseph Vissarionovich.
I found out yesterday about my re-admission to the party and, yesterday, I received my party card.
It was a great and joyful event for me.
Allow me, on this occasion, to express to you my warm gratitude and my deep appreciation.
I give you the assurance, dear Iosif Vissarionovich, as the leader of our great party and as an old comrade in arms, that I will use all my strength and ability to justify your trust and the trust of the Central Committee.
With Bolshevik greetings, sincerely devoted to you
X. Rakovsky
Moscow
28/XI.35.
APRF. F. 45. On. 16. D. 801. L. 68. Autograph.
The letter of X. G. Rakovsky is a typewritten copy. In the hand of A. N. Poskrebyshev, it is written on it: “From Comrade Rakovsky.” In the upper left corner of the litter: "My arch. I. Stalin.
Rakovsky violated his assurance and, after being reinstated in the party, continued his Trotskyist activities, for which he was again expelled from the CPSU (b) in 1937.
“Please rename it to Kaganovichgrad”
The first secretary of the Chelyabinsk Regional Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks addressed I. V. Stalin with the following letter:
"Tov. Stalin!
I ask for your guidance on next question.
Over the past year and a half, regional organizations have been asked to rename the city of Chelyabinsk. These proposals were expressed by individual comrades both at the plenum of the regional party committee and at meetings of city party activists.
Chelyabinsk in translation into Russian means "pit". Therefore, often in conversations, the word "chelyaba" is used as something negative, backward. The name of the city has long been outdated, it does not correspond to the internal content of the city. During the years of the revolution, and especially during the years of the five-year plans, the city has changed radically. From an old Cossack-merchant town, the city has turned into a major industrial center. That is why the old name of the city does not correspond to today's actual situation.
Therefore, we ask you to allow us to rename the city of Chelyabinsk to the city of Kaganovichgrad. It would be good to carry out renaming at the forthcoming regional congress of councils.
With communist greetings Ryndin 19.09.36.
APRF. F. 3. On. 61. D. 639. L. 15.
The letter contains a short resolution: “Against. St.".
E. D. Stasova:
"Rakosi has been sitting for 12 years"
E. D. Stasova (1873-1966) in 1937 was deputy chairman of the Executive Committee of the International Organization for Assistance to Revolutionary Fighters, chairman of the Central Committee of the MOPR of the USSR. This probably gave her reason to turn to Stalin with the following petition:
"March 23, 1937
Owls, secret
In the Politburo of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks.
Comrade Stalin
Dear comrade!
Didn't you consider it possible to raise the question of the exchange of Comrade Matthias Rakosi? At present, funds are being collected throughout Hungary for the transportation from the USSR and burial in Hungary of the remains of the famous Hungarian poet Gyöni Gez, who died in Siberia as a prisoner of war. His remains have been found.
Perhaps it would be possible to raise the question of exchanging Rakosi for the remains of this Gez plus trophies - the banners of the Hungarians taken during the suppression of the Hungarian uprising by Nicholas I?
Rakosi himself suggests that perhaps some economic transactions, purchases, orders, etc., would have had an impact on the possibility of exchange.
Judging by the data we have, the moment to start talking about an exchange is now more favorable than before, since in connection with the failed fascist putsch, the mood in the Hungarian leading circles has changed greatly.
Finally, it might be possible to raise the issue of Rakosi asking for Soviet citizenship, since at present he does not have any citizenship. His. his homeland is now in Yugoslavia, but he is not recognized as a citizen there.
The International Organization for Assistance to the Fighters of the Revolution (IOPR) took a number of steps on its part to put pressure on the part of French public opinion. We count on some success, since the Hungarian government is now oriented towards France. Rakosi has been sitting for 12 years. Elena Stasova.
APRF. F. 45. On. 1. D. 805. L. 9. Typewritten, signature - autograph.
On the text of the letter, a resolution was made in pencil: “To Molotov. One could instruct the NKID to probe the Hungarian ruling circles. Stalin." Below is the opinion of the head of the NKID: "For - Molotov."
Matthias Rakosi (1892-1971) worked in the Executive Committee of the Comintern from 1920 to 1924. In 1924 he illegally returned to Hungary, where he was arrested and received eight years in prison. While serving his sentence, in 1934 he was again tried and sentenced to life imprisonment. He was released in 1940.
The Hungarian poet Gyoni Geza (1884-1917) participated in the First World War, was captured in 1915 and sent to a prisoner of war camp in Krasnoyarsk. He died there in June 1917.
Letter from E. M. Yaroslavsky to Stalin about the beggars in Moscow and Yagoda's message about their eviction
"Tov. Stalin
Lately one can notice an increase in the number of beggars in a number of districts of Moscow. As someone who has lived in Moscow for a long time, I can state that this increase is largely seasonal in nature: it is observed in the spring with warming. But every year this appearance of beggars on the streets of Moscow becomes more and more intolerable for our socialist capital.
These beggars are located in their favorite places, for example, you can always see them on Vorovsky Street closer to the Arbat, where foreigners (embassies) live. Dressed in peasant clothes, with small children in their arms (they say that sometimes children are rented), they pitifully beg for bread, and when compassionate inhabitants turn to them with questions, they explain that they are from hungry collective farms. If you start asking them carefully what collective farm they are from, you will immediately see what they are inventing.
It is difficult to say how many there are in Moscow, but at the workers' meetings in the notes the workers raise the question of why we allow begging. That very many of these beggars, if not the majority, are professionals, is evident from the fact that they stand on the streets for several years, even changing their clothes.
Where do they sleep? They are said to sleep under the stairs of various government offices, schools, residential buildings, etc.
They are undoubtedly carriers of anti-Soviet propaganda. It seems to me that it is time to put an end to this evil.
My suggestion is that in order to decide what to do with them, conduct a one-day raid, find out exactly how many of them are in Moscow, who they are, how long they have been begging, where they live - in order to get a completely clear picture of this phenomenon. . Only then can a concrete decision be made.
With communist greetings, Em. Yaroslavsky
February 23, 1935"
Yaroslavsky's letter was sent to the NKVD to Yagoda. Here is what the head of the People's Commissariat of Internal Affairs said.
“To the Secretary of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, comrade. Stalin
In connection with the note Comrade. Yaroslavsky, I consider it necessary to inform that the Moscow police are systematically removing beggars from the streets and sending them to their homeland.
So, for 34 years, 12,848 people engaged in begging were seized in Moscow, of which 12,231 were deported to their homeland, 408 people were placed in the Moscow department of social security and 209 people were released on a subscription that they would no longer engage in begging.
Of the total number of seized beggars in 1934, there were 4,399 men, 4,515 women and 3,934 children. In January 1935, 702 people were seized, and in February - 893 people, of which 1,300 were sent home.
From the above figures of deportees to their homeland, it can be seen that the vast majority (95%) of those involved in begging are newcomers, and the bulk are residents of the Alekseevsky district of the Kharkov region, Zhizdrinsky and Khvostovichi
whom districts of the Western region. Of these areas, the villages of Okhoche and Upper Bezhki, Botkin and Nekhoch should be especially singled out. These villages have been engaged in begging since tsarist times and look at it as an auxiliary income. They leave and come back.
Most of those who come to beg are individual farmers, but there are also collective farmers. Let me give you a few examples to illustrate:
1. Gubareva F. M. from the village of Okhoche, Alekseevsky district. She was expelled from Moscow three times for begging, her brother, who works at the state farm, comes with two children, the whole family is individual farmers.
2. Nefedova D. M., also from the village of Okhoche, a sole proprietor, comes three times with three children, two of them stayed at home with her husband. He drives because everyone drives.
3. Shcherbakov from the village of Votkino in the Khvostovskiy district, was repeatedly expelled, comes with one child, leaves his wife and second child at home. Collective farmer, has few workdays.
4. Ryabinina M.S. - a collective farmer of the Frunze collective farm, from the village of Okhoche, came to beg, as she has only 55 workdays for her family.
Native Muscovites, as I have already pointed out, are a small minority, mostly old people living on dependents and pensioners. Here are some examples:
1. Ivanova, 65, lives with her daughter at the Izolyator plant. The daughter does not want to support her mother, and the latter is engaged in begging.
2. Kostikova, 53 years old, lives with a 12-year-old son, is listed as dependent on an adult son who lives separately, the son does not provide assistance.
Comrade's offer Yaroslavsky about the production of a round-up in order to clarify the contingent of beggars will not give anything real, because we have studied the contingent to a sufficient extent already deported - 14 thousand people.
I ask you to allow the seized beggars to be sent under escort to special settlements in Kazakhstan. The issue of allocating funds for the placement of beggars in special settlements was raised by me before the Council of People's Commissars of the Union on January 20 of this year under No. 55439.
People's Commissar of Internal Affairs of the USSR Yagoda March 3, 1935 No. 55517.
CA FSB. F. 3. On. 2. D. 816. L. 1-6.
Parents of Heinrich Yagoda: "The son became an enemy of the people and must suffer a well-deserved punishment"
"June 26, 1937
Dear Joseph Vissarionovich!
Many happy years of our life during the period of the revolution are now overshadowed by the gravest crime against the party and the country of our only surviving son, G. G. Yagoda.
Our eldest son, Mikhail, at the age of 16, was killed at the barricades in Sormovo in 1905, and the third son, Lev, at the age of 19, was shot during imperialist war tsarist executioners for refusing to go into battle for autocracy. Their memory and our lives are darkened by the shameful crime of G. G. Yagoda, whom the party and the country endowed with exceptional trust and power. Instead of justifying this trust, he became an enemy of the people, for which he must suffer a well-deserved punishment.
Personally, I, Grigory Filippovich Yagoda, for many years actively assisted the party even before the revolution of 1905 (in particular, I helped the then young Ya. M. Sverdlov) and later. In 1905, an underground Bolshevik printing house was located in my apartment in Nizhny Novgorod (on Kovalikha, in the Nekrasov house), and in connection with its failure and the discovery of printed proclamations, I was serving a sentence in a Nizhny Novgorod prison.
Now I am 78 years old. I am half blind and disabled.
I tried to educate my children in the spirit of devotion to the party and the revolution. What words can convey the full severity of the blow that befell me and my 73-year-old wife caused by the crimes of the last son?
Addressing you, dear Iosif Vissarionovich, with the condemnation of the crimes of G. G. Yagoda, which we know only from the press, we consider it necessary to tell you that in his personal life for ten years he was very far from his parents and we are not in in the least we cannot not only sympathize with him, but also bear responsibility for him, especially since we had nothing to do with all his affairs.
We, old people, ask you that we, who are in such difficult moral and material conditions, left without any means of subsistence (because we do not receive a pension), would be provided with the opportunity to quietly live out our now short life in our happy Soviet Union.
country. We ask you to protect us, sick old people, from various harassment from the house management and the Rostokinsky district council, which have already begun to occupy our apartment and are obviously preparing other harassment in relation to us.
And today, June 26, in the evening, when we were just getting ready to sign the letter, we were told that we would be deported from Moscow within five days, along with several daughters. Such a measure of repression against us seems undeserved to us, and we appeal to you for protection and justice, knowing your deep wisdom and humanity.
We cry out that we should not be equated with the enemies of the people in our declining years, for we have linked and continue to link our whole life with the interests of the revolution, which we ourselves helped to the best of our ability and are ready to help to the end.
Our address: Moscow, Sadovo-Spasskaya, house number 20,
sq. 29, telephone K 1-66-87.
CA FSB. D. 3097. L. 4.
There are no resolutions or instructions on the document. The fate of the parents of the People's Commissar of Internal Affairs Yagoda is unenviable. Father, Yagoda Grigory Filippovich (1859-1939), a native of Rybinsk, Yaroslavl province, a master jeweler, was a member of the Communist Party from 1905 to 1922 (he retired mechanically), and mother, Yagoda Khasya (Lassa) Gavrilovna (1863-1940) , a native of Simbirsk, a housewife. On June 20, 1937, by a special meeting of the NKVD of the USSR, they were exiled for five years to the city of Astrakhan. On May 8, 1938, both were sentenced "for counter-revolutionary activities" to eight years in labor camps. Father died in a camp in Vorkuta, in July 1960 he was rehabilitated. Mother died in January 1940 in Sevvostlag (Nagaevo Bay), rehabilitated in July 1960.
Together with her parents, Heinrich Yagoda's sister, Shokhor-Yagoda Rozalia Grigorievna (1863-1950), a medical worker, was also exiled to Astrakhan. On May 8, 1937, she was also sentenced to eight years in labor camp. In 1948, as a socially dangerous element, she was exiled to Kolyma for five years. She died in 1950. Rehabilitated. The younger sister Frindlyand-Yagoda Frida Grigorievna (1899-?), a clerical worker, on August 28, 1937, "as a member of the family of a traitor to the Motherland" was imprisoned in the ITL for eight years. In 1949, "for anti-Soviet agitation" she was imprisoned for 10 years in a forced labor camp. In 1957 she was rehabilitated.
E. D. Stasova:
“I did not give money to the Trotskyists”
In 1938, the revolutionary, former secretary of the Central Committee of the RSDLP (b) E. D. Stasova no longer held leadership positions in the MOPR. When she was relieved of her post, serious problems arose, the nature of which she informs I.V. Stalin in a letter dated May 17.
"1938. 17/V
Dear comrade. Stalin
You promised to call me regarding the possibility of receiving me. Time, obviously, did not allow you to do this, and my situation is becoming directly unbearable, and I decide once again to take your time with my letter.
Commission tt. Shkiryatov, Malenkov, and Rubinshtein, upon the surrender by me and upon the acceptance by Comrade Bogdanov of the affairs of the Central Committee of the MOPR of the USSR, charged me in essence not with mistakes, but with crimes against the party and Soviet power. When I present material that rehabilitates me, it is not taken into account.
So, for example, I was charged with a serious accusation that I gave money to the Trotskyites. I presented Comrade Litvinov's certificate proving where and to whom this money went, and Comrade Shkiryatov also tried to discredit this material.
This attitude of the commission literally destroys me both morally and physically.
This makes me ask you to pay attention to my case, although I know how overwhelmed you are. Nevertheless, I hope that at a personal meeting I will be able to unravel this whole knot that has been tightened around me.
Elena Stasova.
APRF. F. 45. On. 1. D. 805. L. 12. Autograph.
M. F. Shkiryatov (1883-1954) in 1938 was the secretary of the CPC Party Collegium under the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, G. M. Malenkov (1901-1988) headed the department of leading party bodies of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, M. M. Rubinshtein was a member of the CPC under the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, P. A. Bogdanov (1882-1939) - the first deputy people's commissar of local industry of the RSFSR, M. M. Litvinov (Ballah) (1876-1951) headed the People's Commissariat for Foreign Affairs of the USSR.
E. M. Yaroslavsky:
"Trotsky was recruited by the German headquarters"
"September 25, 1938
S. secret
Tov. Stalin
Recently, I have increasingly come to the conclusion that Trotsky is a longtime provocateur. Reading the testimony of Vatsetis convinces me even more of this. This is a downright stunning document, even after all the vile things that have become known to us about Trotsky and his gang. Trotsky - I am convinced of this - was recruited by the German headquarters during the imperialist war, before 1917. His friend Parvus spoke openly during the war as an agent of the Kaiser. And it was beneficial for Trotsky to cover up his service to the German headquarters with a centrist position: also a kind of “we are not waging war and we are not signing peace.”
Is it possible to lead the investigation in the direction of clarifying the relationship between Trotsky and the tsarist secret police. If Trotsky could go on such a monstrous betrayal in relation to Lenin, to Stalin, to the Republic of Soviets, then why not admit that the position during the period of cohesion and activity of the August bloc was not previously dictated by the Trotskyist “slogan”: “Everyone makes a revolution for himself” ?
The testimony of Vatsetis is a murderous sentence for Trotsky.
I introduced them to Comrade. Shkiryatov, - he also considers these testimonies the most murderous.
With communist greetings, Em. Yaroslavsky.
APRF. F. 45. On. 1. D. 804. L. 192-193. Autograph.
E. M. Yaroslavsky (M. I. Gubelman) (1878-1943) in 1938 served as chairman of the All-Union Society of Old Bolsheviks, was a member of the CPC under the Central Committee of the CPSU (b). Commander of the 2nd rank I. I. Vatsetis (1873-1938) taught at the Military Academy. M. V. Frunze. Parvus (Gelfand) A. L. (1869-1924), a German social democrat, a native of Russia, the author of the theory of "permanent revolution", developed and substantiated in the writings of L. D. Trotsky.
E. D. Stasova:
"Is this kind of forgetfulness acceptable?"
“Dear Comrade Stalin.
Now, on the 32nd anniversary of October, the days in 1917 and the people who worked actively with you and under your leadership are somehow especially perceived. This is how Nikolai Ilyich Podvoisky comes to mind. And somehow it becomes painful that he left us in the summer of 1948, and the broad masses of the party do not know about it.
February 27 marked 10 years since the death of N. K. Krupskaya, in May 1949 - 15 years since the death of V. R. Menzhinsky. And again our press is silent.
It turns out that those who should be in charge of this are forgetting about the people who devoted all their strength to the struggle for socialism, i.e., they do not remind of the legacy that deserves to be set as an example to the younger generation building communism under your leadership.
And I want to ask you, is such forgetfulness permissible?
Your Elena Stasova
1949.8.XI".
APRF. F. 45. On. 1. D. 305. L. 20. Autograph.
N. I. Podvoisky (1880-1948) - one of the leaders of the assault on the Winter Palace in October 1917. R. F. Menzhinsky (1874-1934) - since 1926, chairman of the OGPU.
These are documents, correspondence, photographs from his personal archive, which few people were interested in after the death of the leader. Even before the declassification of the archive, with him, with the exclusive permission of Yeltsin, a military historian, Colonel-General Dmitry Volkogonov, who wrote the book Triumph and Tragedy, worked on this material. But not all documents came into his field of vision. Here are presented not yet published materials from the personal fund of I.V. Stalin, as well as some documents from the Central Archive of the FSB and comments by Stalin's guards.
Compromising evidencefrom the red card
One of the undisclosed secrets of the 20th century is the disappearance after October 1917 of documentary materials, which are compromising evidence accumulated by the tsarist secret services against the leaders of the revolution. In the 1920s and 1930s, many former tsarist counterintelligence officers and detectives, as well as archival workers and post office censors who perused correspondence, including Bolshevik correspondence, paid with their lives for their involvement in these secrets. The Cheka-OGPU-NKVD searched especially vigorously for documents stored in a special archive of the counterintelligence department of the headquarters of the Petrograd Military District (KRO PVO), collected during the First World War with the help of the tsarist secret police. It numbered about 500 cases with a scarlet stripe on the titles, for which it received the name "red file cabinet".
For the first time, Genrikh Yagoda attacked the trail of the "red filing cabinet". In 1925, Mikhail Lebedev, a former colonel in the tsarist army, one of the leaders of the air defense KRO, was arrested in Leningrad. He said that the card file of the leaders of Bolshevism contained information not only about party work, but also about the "delicate" nuances of the personal life of the leading workers of the RSDLP, information about their circle of acquaintances, habits and addictions (primarily bad ones). The cases against Lenin, Stalin, Sverdlov, Molotov, Bukharin, Voroshilov, Kamenev, Zinoviev and other party leaders were especially "chubby". The encrypted telegrams of the Bolshevik financial emissaries intercepted by the KRO testified to the increased activity of the leading core of the party in the autumn of 1917. Counterintelligence officers tried to find out the sources of powerful financial support for the Bolshevik center in Petrograd, but the outbreak of the revolution did not allow them to get to the bottom of this secret.
During interrogations, Lebedev outlined in detail many of the nuances of the activities of the KRO. According to the instructions, the "red filing cabinet" in emergency circumstances was subject to conservation in one of the caches. Lebedev did not know which of the employees of the KRO was instructed to carry out this mission by the last head of counterintelligence of the Petrograd Military District, Colonel Nikolai Dmitriev.
Yagoda tried to find Dmitriev, but his traces were lost as early as 1917. Then "iron Heinrich" reported on the "red file cabinet" to Stalin and offered to arrest two former employees of the Air Defense KRO and 17 former counterintelligence officers of the Provisional Government found in Leningrad. Stalin agreed. However, their interrogations in 1925 did not add anything new to Lebedev's information. Soon those arrested had to be released for lack of corpus delicti: the apogee of indiscriminate accusations and mass repression hasn't arrived yet.
The "Red Card Index" again reminded of itself at the end of 1927, when the conflict between Stalin and Trotsky escalated. In the foreign press and even in individual Russian editions, where the influence of Trotsky was felt, publications appeared about Stalin and his henchmen with revealing details of their revolutionary activity and personal life until 1917. An analysis of what was published showed that Trotsky had access to some source of information dangerous to Stalin. If this information were put at the service of the leader, he could use it to advantage in the fight against ideological opponents. And Stalin began the search for a filing cabinet.
By March 1928, the OGPU of Leningrad, on instructions from Moscow, arrested almost all employees of the KRO PVO who worked there from February to October 1917. In October, the investigation file on their charges was sent to the Special Meeting of the OGPU Collegium. Many defendants were sentenced to death. Although the investigation was conducted by experienced Moscow and Leningrad employees of the OGPU, and Yagoda personally observed the progress of the investigation, it was not possible to reach the "red file cabinet". And then it was decided to carefully check the archives and repositories of Leningrad, thoroughly "probe" their employees and specialists of interacting organizations. It turned out that the archives contain a lot of unrecorded and unknown to the authorities information related to the activities of various departments and institutions of past governments.
Beginning in November 1928, all information relating to the Bolshevik elite was vigorously withdrawn from the Leningrad archives and sent to the Center without the right to copy. But the wholesale cleaning of archival repositories did not give a result. "Red file cabinet" as if sunk into the water.
With the help of historians and archival workers, we tried to uncover this secret of the twentieth century. In the Central Archive of the FSB, in the personal archive of Stalin, in the Russian state archive socio-political history, it was not possible to find materials that would supplement the already known information about the "red file cabinet". But in Stalin's personal fund, I was lucky to find the first mention in the materials of the tsarist secret police about Joseph Dzhugashvili and two documents indicating that the "red file cabinet" was used at least twice: during the First World War and during the political battle between Stalin and Trotsky .
For the first time, the name of Iosif Dzhugashvili was mentioned in the materials of the tsarist secret police in the report of the head of the Tiflis provincial gendarme department dated July 12, 1902 No. 3499: “According to the testimony of a group of witnesses, they are suspected of creating a secret circle of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party in the city of Tiflis Georgy Chkheidze, Iosif Dzhugashvili , Anna Krasnova, Aleksey Zakamolkin, Voclav Kulavsky... A measure of restraint has been taken against the listed persons - detention.
It seems that for the first time such a character trait of Dzhugashvili as despotism was noticed by the tsarist secret police in 1903. Here is a document mentioning this:
"Top secret
To Mr. Director of the Police Department, 1903, January 29, Tiflis
I have the honor to report to Your Excellency that ... in Batumi, at the head of the revolutionary organization is Joseph Dzhugashvili, who is under special police supervision ... special supervision of Dzhigladze. He managed to reconcile the warring and settle all misunderstandings.
Head of the Tiflis Investigative Agency
Captain Lavrov.
But for the first time a description of the appearance of the future leader is given:
"Vedomosti No. 1841
About persons to be wanted
March 1904, 15 days.
... From the peasants of the village of Didi-Lilo, Tiflis district and province, Iosif Dzhugashvili, 24 years old, Orthodox. Signs: height 2 arshins 6 inches, pockmarked face, brown eyes, black hair on the head and beard. A special sign: the movement of the left hand is limited due to an outdated dislocation.
The physique is mediocre, gives the impression of an ordinary person. The forehead is straight, low, the nose is straight, long, the face is long ... On the right side of the lower jaw, the front molar is missing, the chin is sharp, the voice is quiet, there is a mole on the left ear.
Colonel Levitsky, head of the Irkutsk gendarme department.
Another unique document from the archive of the tsarist secret police - "Album of persons registered by the general, detective police on suspicion of espionage". It contains photographs and compromising data on 85 persons arrested in 1916, among whom there are many members of the RSDLP. There is no information about the leaders of the party who were abroad at that time, but the contents of the "Album" indirectly testify to the existence of a certain bank of information of a military-political and private nature regarding the party leadership and its close associates.
The third document is a record of Zinoviev's retelling of the contents of one of the issues of the German newspaper Vorverts for 1927. We are talking about an anonymous article that provides information about the expropriatory activities of the Bolsheviks (including on the direct orders of Lenin) until 1917. It is also reported about Stalin's intimate relationship during his exile in the Turukhansk region with a local woman, about the appearance of a child. By the way, much later, after the death of the "leader", this information was confirmed in his memoirs by the old Bolshevik I.D. Perfiliev. There is reliable information that during the years of the Great Patriotic War Stalin sent remittances to Siberia, although he never testified anywhere about an illegitimate son.
I mentioned this not at all with the aim of giving out a "fried fact", but only to indicate that Trotsky most likely had access to the materials of the "red file cabinet" and even tried to use these materials for his own purposes.
The well-known historian Viktor Mikhailovich Gilensen commented on the information I received about the "red filing cabinet":
- Of course, such a file existed. But I believe that when some modern historians refer to it to accuse the Bolsheviks of spying for Germany, these attempts are purely propaganda purposes. In any case, such information is not confirmed by other sources. I studied the German archives, including the archive of the head of German intelligence and counterintelligence during the First World War, Walter Nicolae, but I did not find a single document in favor of the version of espionage activities of the Bolsheviks.
As for the traces of the filing cabinet, it could have been taken by Trotsky abroad when Stalin expelled him from Russia. After all, it was not in vain that the “leader” regretted that Trotsky was allowed to take out a lot of documents without even checking them. While in exile, Trotsky gradually gave out some compromising evidence to the press. Perhaps he simply did not have time to fully publish the card file - the NKVD reached out to him with their hands, depriving him of his life.
It cannot be ruled out that Stalin nevertheless found the file and destroyed it, using only part of the material in the fight against his opponents - it was not in vain, apparently, that many of them so meekly signed under the "execution" testimonies.
Or maybe the file cabinet is still kept in one of the pre-revolutionary caches of the air defense KRO? Then only some lucky explorer in the future will have to find it.
Failed assassination attempt
In the Stalinist archives, I found the file of the military tribunal of the Southern and Donetsk railways"On the delay of the emergency train of Comrade IV Stalin". As you might assume, this is the very first attempt on the future Secretary General in 1920.
The Revolutionary Military Council of the Southern Front received a government telegram.
"Kharkov, August 19, 1920. From Belgorod N 1587-99-18-2-10. The Revolutionary Military Council of the Southern Front to Berzin.
At 20.30 on August 18, after the departure of my train to Moscow from Kharkov, we were stopped by a semaphore. I installed: the semaphore was not open. Five minutes after the semaphore incident, my train was put on the wrong track, but on the freight depot. The crash was avoided thanks to the skill of the machinist. By informing you about this, I ask you to bring the perpetrators to justice. Please let me know what steps you have taken...
Member of the Revolutionary Military Council of the Republic of Stalin.
For some reason, the Revolutionary Military Council of the front did not show zeal in investigating the incident. Only 12 days later, a meeting of the Collegium of the Revolutionary Military Tribunal of Yuzhdonzheldor took place, which decided: to entrust investigator Kozlov with the conduct of the case.
This interrogator conducted the inquest, apparently not delving into some of the "dark" moments. He limited himself to collecting written testimonies from officials and made his conclusion. The inquiry lasted two and a half months - from September 2 to November 18, 1920. Investigative materials contain interesting everyday details of that time.
"Indications of the on-duty reception post of the station of Kharkov-Sortirovochnaya Stanislav Nesterovich Lyakhovich, a peasant, 43 years old, of the Roman Catholic religion.
On 18.08 at 9.45 pm, while waiting for the emergency train N 1122... I personally examined the switches in the presence of policemen Rebrikov and Medvedev and told the switchmen Nosov and Oberemka: how the emergency train to the Northern Post would pass, open the semaphore and keep the switch on. When I subsequently arrived at the post to meet the train of Comrade. Stalin, could not check the position of the arrow due to the lack of lighting lamps. I saw that the train went on its way to the freight station, when it was already too late to do anything except stop the train."
"The testimony of the switchman of the Kharkov-Sorting station Ilya Nikolaevich Nosov, a peasant of the Oryol province, 22 years old, of the Orthodox faith.
At about 9:45 p.m., Lyakhovich told me that an emergency train was coming from Kharkov. I ordered the switchman Oberemka to open the semaphore... I personally supervised the translation of the switch. But just before the passage of the emergency train, due to an upset stomach, I left the switch, but again repeated Oberemk that the switch should stand on the main track before the passage of the emergency train.
When I was returning from the booth, I saw that the train was heading towards the sorting station. I yelled at Oberemk to signal the train to stop. Why Oberemok changed the arrow to Sorting, I don't know..."
"The testimony of the switchman of the Kharkov-Sorting station Ivan Ivanovich Oberemka, a peasant of the Kharkov province, 22 years old, of the Orthodox faith.
... About ten minutes before the arrival of the emergency train, someone on the phone ordered me to transfer the switch to the Marshalling Station. Only when the train entered the turnout did I notice by its appearance that it was an emergency one, and began to give a stop signal.
The testimonies given formed the basis of the conclusion of investigator Kozlov, which looks like this: “Based on Stalin’s telegram dated August 19 of this year and the resolution of Comrade Kuni’s pre-war tribunal imposed on it, I conducted the following investigation.
On the evening of August 18 this year. received ... a telegraph message about the passage of emergency train N 1122. At 21 hours 50 minutes, the route was received, but the indicated train left only at 23 hours on the same date. The delay is explained as follows.
On-duty chipboard of the freight post comrade. Cherkasov, despite the fact that a demand was received for the unhindered passage of an emergency train, continued to make maneuvers. Train N 1122 was stopped at the semaphore and stood for 10 to 15 minutes. Then the train proceeded to the southern post, where there was a second fact of an unauthorized stop of an emergency train. Then at 23:22 the train was sent on the wrong track. Comrade Lyakhovich, the DSP of this post, having received a notification about the emergency train, gave a personal order to the switchmen Nosov and Oberemka to open the switch to the main track leading to the northern post. Nosov prepared the arrow himself and ordered Oberemka to keep it that way until the emergency train arrived. He himself went away for natural needs. For some reason, the switchman Oberemok, just before the passage of the train (he himself refers to some unconfirmed telephone orders), switched the switch to the Sorting, where the emergency train passed. The mistake was quickly noticed by the machinist Kondratiev. The train was stopped after going over the wrong track for 25 fathoms.
I do not see malicious intent in the actions of the perpetrators.
On November 18, 1920, another meeting of the Revolutionary Military Tribunal of Yuzhdonzheldor took place. Here is an extract from the protocol N 908: “We heard: the case on the charge of the chipboard of the goods post of the Southern Railway Lyakhovich, the switchmen Oberemok and Nosov of negligent attitude to their official duties and failure to take measures for the non-stop running of Comrade Stalin’s emergency train. Decided: on the basis of the amnesty of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee by 3 anniversary of the October Revolution to stop the matter.
Reading this decision, one involuntarily compares it with the delay of the investigation until the amnesty. Did the "iron" uncles from the Revolutionary Tribunal take pity on the elementary slobs from the Kharkov station, thus saving them from execution, which, according to the laws of the civil war, could well have been obtained in this case? Or maybe, by terminating the case under the amnesty, they covered up someone's serious, but not realized plans? ..
It is likely that what happened on August 18, 1920 was the result of ordinary sloppiness. But a strange call to the switchman Oberemko, coupled with an even more strange attitude towards this fact by investigator Kozlov (who did not even ask himself the question: who called and for what purpose) give rise to an assumption about the possibility of a conspiracy. Moreover, there is one more document in the case, which the investigator did not pay attention to at all. Here he is.
"Report from the junction mechanic Mikhail Gladilin to comrade member of the Revolutionary Military Council of the Southern Front Berzin
... August 18 at 23 hours 50 minutes after the departure of the emergency train comrade. Stalin ... on the descent, when braking was complicated, carts loaded with some kind of rubbish appeared on the way. The driver was not aware of this. But thanks to his quick reaction, the train immediately slowed down and crashed into the carts, throwing them out of the way without catastrophic consequences ... If not for the reaction of the driver, things would have taken a very serious turn. It is not known where these carts came from.
I ask Comrade Berzin to give this report the proper course and bring the perpetrators to justice."
