Lenin and the world revolution. The myth of Lenin and the revolution Where was Lenin during the revolution

Here it is, the first day of the October Revolution... The city is in excitement... Everyone is waiting for something... Smolny is seething with people... The main headquarters of the Bolsheviks - the Military Revolutionary Committee - is located here. Vladimir Ilyich was also there; he warmly greeted those who came, asked them about all the events of the day and, most of all, about what was happening there, at the Winter Palace and on the approaches to it.

The news that Vladimir Ilyich was in Smolny quickly spread among the Bolsheviks. Many wanted to see him and came here. Strangers also began to look into the next room. Correspondents of various newspapers, including foreign ones, especially persistently sought to get into it, having obviously noticed that this is where a lot of people were coming, that the leading center of the uprising was operating here. Mensheviks, Socialist Revolutionaries and other undesirables began to drop by.

It was necessary to introduce reliable security. In the Red Guard room there were more than five hundred armed, most dedicated workers. These were Red Guards, most of them from Vyborg.

It was decided to select seventy-five especially reliable people for security. A young, handsome worker, about thirty years old, with curls curling from under his hat, calmly gives the command: “Get in line!” Instantly everything is in place.

Silence: not a rustle, not a sound. The guards froze at the door. When the commander announced that seventy-five people were needed, ready to do anything, even death, to carry out the order, the entire detachment took a step forward and froze. The commander selected the people, appointed a chief and two people to replace him. “If something happens...” he noted gloomily and fell silent.

Now we have prepared passes. Pass No. 1 was issued to Vladimir Ilyich.

What is this? Passes? For what? - asked Vladimir Ilyich.

Necessary. Just in case... Smolny security has already been created. Please take a look...

Vladimir Ilyich looked out the door and saw a detachment standing in impeccable military formation.

Well done! It’s nice to watch,” Vladimir Ilyich said admiringly.

Sentinels stood outside and inside the room at the front door. The chief immediately established contact with the central detachment.

People kept coming and coming.

At 2:35 p.m. the meeting of the Petrograd Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies opened. You can’t say thunder, but something more, truly amazing, a whirlwind human feelings swept through the hall when Vladimir Ilyich appeared on the podium. He began his speech with the words: “Comrades! The workers’ and peasants’ revolution, the need for which the Bolsheviks were always talking about, has taken place...” This historic meeting of the Petrograd Soviet took place stormily and fieryly.

Vladimir Ilyich was very worried that the siege of the Winter Palace was dragging on.

The Pavlovsky Guards Regiment, which joined the revolutionary troops, was ordered to occupy the streets adjacent to the Winter Palace. The regiment lay down near the palace itself.

When the sailors approached, they immediately took in the situation, without stopping, quickly crossed Palace Square and gathered on the approaches to the Winter Palace, dragging along the soldiers of the Pavlovsk regiment and the Red Guards. Then they opened the huge doors of the palace with a strong blow and burst into the interior. They were met by cadets who had neither combat training nor proper leadership, but nevertheless showed stubborn resistance, protecting the members of the Provisional Government sitting in one of the halls of the palace. The women's battalion, after a brief propaganda speech by sailor Zheleznyakov, laid down their arms and completely went over to the side of the rebels.

The cruiser "Aurora" moored. A few days before the attack on the Winter Palace, he was given the order by the commander-in-chief of the Bolshevik forces to turn the guns towards the palace. The Peter and Paul Fortress received the same order, from the top of which, late in the evening, almost simultaneously with the Aurora, shots were fired at the Winter Palace. The besieged realized that in an instant they could be wiped off the face of the earth. The sailors, as well as other Bolshevik units, quickly spread throughout the Winter Palace and occupied its main points, stairs, exits and approaches. On the night of October 25-26, at 2:10 a.m., the Provisional Government was arrested and escorted under guard to the Peter and Paul Fortress. Kerensky secretly left the Winter Palace and shamefully fled in the car of the American embassy. Three days later he appeared in Tsarskoe Selo, where he tried in vain to raise an uprising among the Cossacks and infantry and move them to Petrograd through the Pulkovo Heights.

A scooter soldier, dressed in a black leather jacket and the same trousers, hurries along the corridor with a quick military step. He has a travel bag over his shoulder, which he holds with his left hand.

Where is the headquarters of the Military Revolutionary Committee? - he addresses two Red Guards standing guard at the door.

Who do you want?

Lenin! Report-

The sentry turns to the door and says to his comrade:

So a distributor is needed... The courier has arrived. Without a pass... To headquarters... Demands Lenin...

The breeder came out. He asked where the courier was from and from whom.

From the Winter Palace... From the Commander-in-Chief - Podvoisky.

Report! - says the scooter driver, entering the door of the next room. - Lenin required.

Vladimir Ilyich approaches.

What do you say, comrade?

Are you Lenin? — the scooter driver says, looking at Vladimir Ilyich with curiosity. His eyes sparkle with joy. He quickly unfastens the flap of the bag, takes out a piece of paper, carefully hands it to Vladimir Ilyich, taking it under his visor, and briefly reports:

Report.

“Thank you, comrade,” says Vladimir Ilyich and extends his hand to the scooter driver. He is embarrassed, grabs Vladimir Ilyich’s hand with both hands, shakes it, shakes it, smiles. He takes it up sharply, military style, turns around and with a brisk step, as he goes, putting into his bag a piece of paper on which Vladimir Ilyich signed for receipt, he leaves the premises.

The Winter Palace is taken. The provisional government was arrested. Taken to Petropavlovka. Kerensky has fled! - Vladimir Ilyich quickly reads aloud... And he had only finished reading when a “hurray” was heard, powerfully picked up by the Red Guards in the next room.

Hooray! - rushed everywhere.

At about four o'clock in the morning we, tired but excited, began to leave Smolny. I invited Vladimir Ilyich to come and spend the night with me. Having called the Rozhdestvensky district in advance, I instructed the combat squad to conduct reconnaissance checks on the streets adjacent to Khersonskaya. We left Smolny. The city was not illuminated. Having found the car at the appointed place, we headed to my home.

Vladimir Ilyich was apparently very tired and was dozing in the car. When we arrived, we had some dinner. I tried to provide everything for Vladimir Ilyich’s rest. I barely persuaded him to take my bed in a separate small room, where he had a desk, paper, ink and a library at his service. Vladimir Ilyich agreed, and we parted ways.

I lay down on the sofa in the next room and firmly decided to fall asleep only when I was completely sure that Vladimir Ilyich was already asleep.

I locked the entrance doors with all the chains, hooks and locks, put my revolvers on alert and thought: “After all, they can break in, arrest, kill Vladimir Ilyich; everything can be expected."

Just in case, I immediately wrote down on a separate piece of paper all the telephone numbers known to me for our district and individual comrades from Smolny, neighboring district workers’ committees and trade unions. “So as not to forget in a hurry,” I thought.

Finally I turned off the light bulb. The light in Vladimir Ilyich's room went out earlier. I began to doze off, and when I was about to fall asleep, Vladimir Ilyich’s light suddenly flashed.

I became wary. I heard him almost silently get out of bed, quietly open the door to me and, making sure that I was sleeping, with barely audible steps, on tiptoe, so as not to wake anyone, he approached the desk. He sat down at the table, opened the inkwell and, leaning on his elbows, delved into his work, laying out some papers and immediately reading them. I could see all this through the slightly open door.

Vladimir Ilyich wrote, crossed out, read, made notes, wrote again, and finally, apparently, began to rewrite completely. It was already dawn, the late Petrograd autumn morning was beginning to turn gray when, finally, Vladimir Ilyich put out the fire and went to bed. I also forgot.

In the morning I asked everyone at home to remain quiet, saying that Vladimir Ilyich had been working all night and was undoubtedly extremely tired. But suddenly the door opened, and he came out of the room dressed, energetic, fresh, cheerful, joyful.

Happy first day of the socialist revolution! - he congratulated everyone, and no fatigue was noticeable on his face, as if he had had a great night's sleep, but in fact he slept at most two or three hours after a tense twenty-hour working day. My comrades came up. When everyone gathered to drink tea and Nadezhda Konstantinovna, who had spent the night with us, came out, Vladimir Ilyich took the copied sheets of paper out of his pocket and read us his famous “Decree on Land.”

If only it could be announced, widely published and distributed. Let them try to take it back then! No, no government is able to take this decree away from the peasants and return the lands to the landowners. This is the most important achievement of our revolution. The agricultural revolution will be accomplished and consolidated, said Vladimir Ilyich.

When someone told him that there would still be a lot of all sorts of land disorders and struggles in the localities, he immediately replied that all this was already a trifle, everything else would follow, if only they understood the program of this agrarian revolutionary revolution and were imbued with it and carried out entirely on site. He began to tell in detail that this decree would be accepted by the peasants because it was based on the demands of all peasant assemblies to their deputies sent to the Congress of Soviets.

Yes, but these were the demands of the Social Revolutionaries, so they will say that we are borrowing from them,” someone remarked.

Vladimir Ilyich smiled.

Let them say it. Do we care? The peasants will clearly understand that we will always support all their fair demands. We must come close to the peasants, to their lives, to their desires. And if any fools laugh, let them laugh. We never intended to give the Socialist-Revolutionaries a monopoly on peasants. We are a government party, and following the dictatorship of the proletariat peasant question- the most important question.

Vladimir Ilyich wanted to proclaim this decree at the congress as soon as possible. We decided to immediately retype it on a typewriter in several copies and immediately submit it for typesetting to our newspapers so that it would be published tomorrow morning. After the decree is adopted at the Congress of Soviets, immediately send it to all newspapers* in the country with instructions to publish it in the next issue.

The decree on land was soon sent to all Petrograd editorial offices by messenger, and to other cities by mail and telegraph. Our newspapers prepared it in advance, and by the morning the decree had already been read by hundreds of thousands and millions of people. All the workers received him with delight. The bourgeoisie hissed and snarled in their newspapers. But no one paid attention to this...

For a long time, Vladimir Ilyich was interested in how many copies of the decree on land were distributed among soldiers and peasants. The Decree on Land was reprinted many times in a booklet and sent out free of charge in numerous copies not only to provincial and district cities, but also to all volosts of Russia, and, perhaps, not a single law was published in our country as widely as the law on land, to which Vladimir Ilyich attached such great importance.

When you distribute the decree on land to the demobilized, - said Vladimir Ilyich, - you must explain its meaning and significance to everyone well and do not forget to say that if landowners, merchants, kulaks are still sitting on the occupied lands, it is imperative to drive them out and transfer the land - to be placed at the disposal of peasant committees. Place a smart sailor who would watch where the soldier puts the maternity leave: he needs to put it deeper in his bag, under his things, so that he doesn’t lose it, and keep a dozen copies close for reading and distribution in the carriage.

By February 1918, there was a feeling of fatigue in the mood of the masses. Huge crowds of soldiers were wandering from the front. Exhausted, tormented, they strove to go home, seeing the complete collapse of the front, wanting to take a break from the nightmarish and grueling life of the trenches. Military units arrived in Petrorrad from the front in a continuous succession. Having stayed in the capital for a short time, they went further and further into the depths of Russia. There were very few completely disciplined regiments and detachments among them.

Due to Trotsky's betrayal during the Brest-Litovsk negotiations, peace conditions for Russia became even more painful. And yet we had to rush to conclude peace. A special commission from the RSFSR went to the city of Diinsk, where the final peace agreement for the long-awaited peace was to take place. At one o'clock I received a telegram notifying me that peace had been signed (the truce had been signed earlier).

And suddenly an urgent telegram arrived at the Administration of the Council of People's Commissars, reporting that the enemy had launched an attack on Petrograd. The city of Pskov was taken. The German units moved further to the Dno station. The garrison of the city and Dno station retreated randomly and without any resistance; the remnants of the field troops of the tsarist army also retreated. The headquarters rolled back to the rear.

The greatest danger loomed over poorly defended Petrograd. It was necessary to act immediately.

Having learned about the received telegram, the Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies, which was meeting in one of the Smolny bays, interrupted its meeting.

Less than an hour had passed before the factory whistles stirred up Petrograd, which had already fallen asleep.

This inviting buzz rushed powerfully and imperiously from edge to edge, spreading out in the foggy distance.

The workers quickly gathered to their factories. Council deputies briefly reported on the current situation, calling the workers to arms. The Red Guards immediately organized themselves into workers' battalions. Everyone who had at least some kind of weapon joined them. Many walked without weapons, hoping to get them in Smolny. In the darkness, since there was no street lighting, tens of thousands of workers walked and walked from all areas in an endless line, heading towards their combat center - Smolny.

At night, what had happened became known in Sestroretsk, on Porokhov, in Kolpino, on Obukhovsky and in other environs of Petrograd, from where detachments of the working Red Guard began to approach in the morning.

In the morning, around nine o’clock, February 21, Vladimir Ilyich called me to his office in the Council People's Commissars.

Vladimir Ilyich stood at the window. The sounds of a battle march were heard.

A ten-thousand-strong division of Sestroretsk workers approached in orderly columns, with unfurled banners. They wore short tanned sheepskin coats trimmed with white fur.

What power! - Vladimir Ilyich exclaimed.

The division lined up in front of Smolny.

Battalions of sailors arrived from Kronstadt with free, sweeping steps. And then, in a long line, the regiments of the Red Guard of Workers and the infantry units of the garrison, stationed in Petrograd, swayed in a long line.

Vladimir Ilyich sat down at the table and plunged into work. Soon Lenin’s famous appeal “The Socialist Fatherland is in Danger!” appeared.

“In order to save an exhausted, tormented country from new military trials, we made the greatest sacrifice and announced to the Germans our agreement to sign their peace terms. On the evening of February 20 (7), our envoys left Rezhitsa for Dvinsk, and there is still no answer. The German government is obviously slow to respond. It clearly does not want peace. Fulfilling the instructions of the capitalists of all countries, German militarism wants to strangle the Russian and Ukrainian workers and peasants, return the lands to the landowners, factories and factories to the bankers, and the authorities to the monarchy. German generals want to establish their own “order” in Petrograd and Kiev. The Socialist Republic of Soviets is in the greatest danger. Until the moment the German proletariat rises and wins, the sacred duty of the workers and peasants of Russia is to selflessly defend the Soviet Republic against the hordes of bourgeois-imperialist Germany. The Council of People's Commissars decides:

All the forces and means of the country are entirely devoted to the cause of revolutionary defense.

All Soviets and revolutionary organizations include

is obliged to defend every position to the last drop of blood.

Railway organizations and the Soviets associated with them are obliged to do their best to prevent the enemy from using the means of communication; during retreat, destroy tracks, blow up and burn railway buildings; all rolling stock - carriages and locomotives - should be immediately sent east into the interior of the country.

All grain and food supplies in general, and other valuable property that is in danger of falling into the hands of the enemy must be subjected to unconditional destruction; supervision of this is not entrusted to local Councils under the personal responsibility of their chairmen.

b) Workers and peasants of Petrograd, Kyiv and all cities, towns, villages and villages along the new front must mobilize battalions to dig okopob under the leadership of military specialists.

These battalions should include all able-bodied members of the bourgeois class, men and women, under the supervision of the Red Guards; those who resist are to be shot.

All publications that oppose the cause of revolutionary defense and take the side of the German bourgeoisie, as well as those seeking to use the invasion of the imperialist hordes for the purpose of overthrowing Soviet power, are closed; Efficient editors and staff of these publications are mobilized to dig trenches and other defensive work.

Enemy agents, speculators, thugs, hooligans, counter-revolutionary agitators, German spies are shot at the scene of the crime.

The socialist fatherland is in danger!

Long live the socialist fatherland!

Long live the international socialist revolution!»

Lenin's appeal, printed in hundreds of thousands of copies, was pasted on walls, distributed among the people, distributed at stations, on trains, in barracks, and sent to all cities. It had a huge organizing and mobilizing influence on the working masses.

Here is a scene typical of those days that I witnessed. In orderly ranks, in full combat readiness, with unfurled banners, with an orchestra, with all the units assigned to it, the division marched from the Warsaw station in a battle march. She was heading to Smolny to hand over her weapons, archives and cash register safely and in an orderly manner to demobilize and go home.

A car appeared. A young worker who jumped out of it ran up with a packet of appeals to the leading detachment of the division.

Lenin's appeal! - he shouted. - The Germans are advancing on Petrograd! The socialist fatherland is in danger! - and the worker began handing out printed sheets left and right.

The division commissar quickly, on the move, looked through the stock, said something to the commander, and suddenly a clear command was heard:

Division, stop!

The division quickly reorganized its ranks, forming a square on the Five Corners Square. Someone rolled a barrel out of a nearby yard; the division’s military commissar easily jumped on it and loudly proclaimed to the entire square:

“The socialist fatherland is in danger!”

Everything trembled and became wary. There was dead silence in the square. Passers-by also stopped in their tracks. Word by word, clearly, clearly, with enthusiasm, the Joseph Commissar read Lenin’s appeal.

And then he finished.

Well, comrades,” he suddenly said loudly, “should we demobilize at Smolny?”

Team after team quickly followed. The division again lined up in battle formation and immediately turned back at the command to “march in a circle.” The orchestra thundered. Clearly beating the step, with unfurled banners, this exemplary combat military unit moved not to Smolny to surrender its weapons and go home, but there, to the front, to the trenches.

Two military commissars, together with the division commander and one of the officers, arrived in Smolny and reported to Vladimir Ilyich that the order of the Council of People's Commissars had been fulfilled: the division, which was going to demobilize, had turned its front by the unanimous will of all the fighters.

Vladimir Ilyich firmly shook hands with the arriving soldiers.

Now an order was given by telephone to provide echelons for this glorious division. The headquarters was falling. The division hastily loaded up and went to the front. Together with other units that arrived there, she inflicted a crushing attack on German troops, thwarting their offensive at Pinnia Bottom. Vigorously pursued, the Germans approached Pskov and immediately agreed to peace negotiations.

This was a serious victory for the Red troops over the German imperialist hordes, who wanted to take possession of Petrograd with a lightning strike. This day has gone down in history as the birthday of the Red Army.

The military headquarters worked around the clock without a break, strengthening the front with more and more reinforcements.

During the day of February 21, the Council of People's Commissars met several times to discuss the current situation.

Right there, in Smolny, the Central Committee of our party met almost continuously, discussing issues of peace and war.

To explain in even more detail to the population all the difficult circumstances of the current times, the Council of People's Commissars on February 21 adopted an appeal “To the working population of all Russia.”

The heartfelt words of this appeal, filled with unvarnished truth, opened the eyes of everyone who had not yet imagined the terrible danger that hung over the young Soviet Republic. Huge crowds of volunteers continued to besiege Smolny, the headquarters of the Petrograd Military Revolutionary Committee. Everyone, in one powerful impulse, wanted to immediately, immediately go to the front, to defend our borders with their breasts. Created civil uprising, which came to the defense of Petrograd.

The broad masses of workers, the entire working population, understood and approved the decisive demand of the leader of the October Revolution: in an attempt to resist the declared nationwide mobilization, to wipe out the enemies of our socialist fatherland from the face of the earth.

V. Bonch-Bruevich, Chairman of the Committee for Combating Pogroms and Counter-Revolution

From the collection “October armed uprising in Petrograd. Memoirs of active participants in the revolution", Lenizdat, 1956

Vladimir Lenin is the great leader of the working people of the whole world, who is considered the most outstanding politician in world history, who created the first socialist state.

Embed from Getty Images Vladimir Lenin

The Russian communist philosopher-theorist, who continued the work and whose activities were widely developed at the beginning of the 20th century, is still of interest to the public today, since his historical role is of significant significance not only for Russia, but for the whole world. Lenin's activities have both positive and negative assessments, which does not prevent the founder of the USSR from remaining a leading revolutionary in world history.

Childhood and youth

Ulyanov Vladimir Ilyich was born on April 22, 1870 in the Simbirsk province of the Russian Empire in the family of a school inspector Ilya Nikolaevich and a school teacher Maria Alexandrovna Ulyanov. He became the third child of parents who invested their whole souls in their children - his mother completely abandoned work and devoted herself to raising Alexander, Anna and Volodya, after whom she gave birth to Maria and Dmitry.

Embed from Getty Images Vladimir Lenin as a child

As a child, Vladimir Ulyanov was a mischievous and very smart boy - at the age of 5 he had already learned to read and by the time he entered the Simbirsk gymnasium he had become a “walking encyclopedia”. During his school years, he also proved himself to be a diligent, diligent, gifted and careful student, for which he was repeatedly awarded certificates of commendation. Lenin's classmates said that the future world leader of the working people enjoyed enormous respect and authority in the class, since every student felt his mental superiority.

In 1887, Vladimir Ilyich graduated from high school with a gold medal and entered the law faculty of Kazan University. In the same year, a terrible tragedy happened in the Ulyanov family - Lenin’s older brother Alexander was executed for participating in organizing an assassination attempt on the Tsar.

This grief aroused in the future founder of the USSR a spirit of protest against national oppression and the tsarist system, so already in his first year of university he created a student revolutionary movement, for which he was expelled from the university and sent into exile to the small village of Kukushkino, located in the Kazan province.

Embed from Getty Images Family of Vladimir Lenin

From that moment on, the biography of Vladimir Lenin was continuously connected with the struggle against capitalism and autocracy, the main goal of which was the liberation of workers from exploitation and oppression. After exile, in 1888, Ulyanov returned to Kazan, where he immediately joined one of the Marxist circles.

During the same period, Lenin's mother acquired an almost 100-hectare estate in the Simbirsk province and convinced Vladimir Ilyich to manage it. This did not prevent him from continuing to maintain connections with local “professional” revolutionaries, who helped him find Narodnaya Volya members and create an organized movement of Protestants of the imperial power.

Revolutionary activities

In 1891, Vladimir Lenin managed to pass exams as an external student at the Imperial St. Petersburg University for Faculty of Law. After that, he worked as an assistant to a sworn lawyer from Samara, engaged in the “official defense” of criminals.

Embed from Getty Images Vladimir Lenin in his youth

In 1893, the revolutionary moved to St. Petersburg and, in addition to legal practice, began writing historical works on Marxist political economy, the creation of the Russian liberation movement, and the capitalist evolution of post-reform villages and industry. Then he began to create a program for the Social Democratic Party.

In 1895, Lenin made his first trip abroad and made the so-called tour of Switzerland, Germany and France, where he met his idol Georgy Plekhanov, as well as Wilhelm Liebknecht and Paul Lafargue, who were leaders of the international labor movement.

Upon returning to St. Petersburg, Vladimir Ilyich managed to unite all the scattered Marxist circles into the “Union of Struggle for the Liberation of the Working Class,” at the head of which he began to prepare a plan to overthrow the autocracy. For active propaganda of his idea, Lenin and his allies were taken into custody, and after a year in prison he was exiled to the Shushenskoye village of the Elysee province.

Embed from Getty Images Vladimir Lenin in 1897 with members of the Bolshevik organization

During his exile, he established contacts with the Social Democrats of Moscow, St. Petersburg, Voronezh, Nizhny Novgorod, and in 1900, at the end of his exile, he traveled all over Russian cities and personally made contact with numerous organizations. In 1900, the leader created the newspaper Iskra, under the articles of which he first signed the pseudonym “Lenin”.

During the same period, he initiated the congress of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party, which subsequently split into Bolsheviks and Mensheviks. The revolutionary led the Bolshevik ideological and political party and launched an active struggle against Menshevism.

Embed from Getty Images Vladimir Lenin

In the period from 1905 to 1907, Lenin lived in exile in Switzerland, where he was preparing an armed uprising. There he was caught by the First Russian Revolution, in the victory of which he was interested, since it opened the way to the socialist revolution.

Then Vladimir Ilyich returned illegally to St. Petersburg and began to act actively. He tried at any cost to win the peasants over to his side, forcing them into an armed uprising against the autocracy. The revolutionary called on people to arm themselves with whatever was at hand and carry out attacks on government officials.

October Revolution

After the defeat in the First Russian Revolution, all Bolshevik forces came together, and Lenin, having analyzed the mistakes, began to revive the revolutionary upsurge. Then he created his own legal Bolshevik party, which published the newspaper Pravda, of which he was the editor-in-chief. At that time, Vladimir Ilyich lived in Austria-Hungary, where the World War found him.

Embed from Getty Images Joseph Stalin and Vladimir Lenin

Having been imprisoned on suspicion of spying for Russia, Lenin spent two years preparing his theses on the war, and after his release he went to Switzerland, where he came up with the slogan of turning the imperialist war into a civil war.

In 1917, Lenin and his comrades were allowed to leave Switzerland through Germany to Russia, where a ceremonial meeting was organized for him. Vladimir Ilyich’s first speech to the people began with a call for a “social revolution,” which caused discontent even among Bolshevik circles. At that moment, Lenin’s theses were supported by Joseph Stalin, who also believed that power in the country should belong to the Bolsheviks.

On October 20, 1917, Lenin arrived in Smolny and began to lead the uprising, which was organized by the head of the Petrograd Soviet. Vladimir Ilyich proposed to act quickly, firmly and clearly - from October 25 to 26, the Provisional Government was arrested, and on November 7, at the All-Russian Congress of Soviets, Lenin’s decrees on peace and land were adopted, and the Council of People’s Commissars was organized, the head of which was Vladimir Ilyich.

Embed from Getty Images Leon Trotsky and Vladimir Lenin

This was followed by the 124-day “Smolny period,” during which Lenin carried out active work in the Kremlin. He signed a decree on the creation of the Red Army, concluded Treaty of Brest-Litovsk new agreement with Germany, and also began to develop a program for the formation of a socialist society. At that moment, the Russian capital was moved from Petrograd to Moscow, and the Congress of Soviets of Workers, Peasants and Soldiers became the supreme body of power in Russia.

After carrying out the main reforms, which consisted of withdrawing from the World War and transferring the lands of the landowners to the peasants, the Russian Socialist Federative Soviet Republic (RSFSR) was formed on the territory of the former Russian Empire, the rulers of which were communists led by Vladimir Lenin.

Head of the RSFSR

When Lenin came to power, according to many historians, he ordered the execution of the former Russian Emperor together with his entire family, and in July 1918 approved the Constitution of the RSFSR. Two years later, Lenin eliminated the supreme ruler of Russia, Admiral, who was his strong opponent.

Embed from Getty Images Vladimir Ilyich Lenin

Then the head of the RSFSR implemented the “Red Terror” policy, created to strengthen the new government in the context of thriving anti-Bolshevik activity. At the same time, the decree on the death penalty was reinstated, which could apply to anyone who did not agree with Lenin’s policies.

After this, Vladimir Lenin began the defeat Orthodox Church. From that period, believers became the main enemies of the Soviet regime. During that period, Christians who tried to protect the holy relics were persecuted and executed. Special concentration camps were also created for the “re-education” of the Russian people, where people were charged in particularly harsh ways that they were obliged to work for free in the name of communism. This led to a massive famine that killed millions of people and a terrible crisis.

Embed from Getty Images Vladimir Lenin and Kliment Voroshilov at the Congress of the Communist Party

This result forced the leader to retreat from his intended plan and create a new economic policy, during which people, under the “supervision” of the commissars, restored industry, revived construction projects and industrialized the country. In 1921, Lenin abolished “war communism”, replaced food allocation with a food tax, allowed private trade, which gave to the general public population to independently seek means of survival.

In 1922, according to Lenin’s recommendations, the USSR was created, after which the revolutionary had to step down from power due to his rapidly deteriorating health. After an intense political struggle in the country in pursuit of power by the sole leader Soviet Union became Joseph Stalin.

Personal life

The personal life of Vladimir Lenin, like that of most professional revolutionaries, was shrouded in secrecy for conspiracy purposes. He met his future wife in 1894 during the organization of the Union of Struggle for the Liberation of the Working Class.

She blindly followed her lover and participated in all of Lenin’s actions, which was the reason for their separate first exile. In order not to be separated, Lenin and Krupskaya got married in a church - they invited Shushensky peasants as best men, and their ally made their wedding rings from copper nickels.

Embed from Getty Images Vladimir Lenin and Nadezhda Krupskaya

The sacrament of the wedding of Lenin and Krupskaya took place on July 22, 1898 in the village of Shushenskoye, after which Nadezhda became the faithful life partner of the great leader, whom she bowed to, despite his harshness and humiliating treatment of herself. Having become a real communist, Krupskaya suppressed her feelings of ownership and jealousy, which allowed her to remain the only wife of Lenin, in whose life there were many women.

The question “did Lenin have children?” still attracts interest all over the world. There are several historical theories regarding the paternity of the communist leader - some claim that Lenin was infertile, while others call him the father of many illegitimate children. At the same time, many sources claim that Vladimir Ilyich had a son, Alexander Steffen, from his lover, with whom the revolutionary’s affair lasted about 5 years.

Death

The death of Vladimir Lenin occurred on January 21, 1924 in the Gorki estate in the Moscow province. According to official data, the leader of the Bolsheviks died from atherosclerosis caused by severe overload at work. Two days after his death, Lenin’s body was transported to Moscow and placed in the Hall of Columns of the House of Unions, where farewell to the founder of the USSR was held for 5 days.

Embed from Getty Images Funeral of Vladimir Lenin

On January 27, 1924, Lenin’s body was embalmed and placed in a Mausoleum specially built for this purpose, located on the capital’s Red Square. The ideologist of the creation of Lenin’s relics was his successor Joseph Stalin, who wanted to make Vladimir Ilyich a “god” in the eyes of the people.

After the collapse of the USSR, the issue of Lenin’s reburial was repeatedly raised in the State Duma. True, it remained at the discussion stage back in 2000, when the one who came to power during his first presidential term put an end to this issue. He said that he does not see the desire of the overwhelming majority of the population to rebury the body of the world leader, and until it appears, this topic will no longer be discussed in modern Russia.

And the October Revolution. But its lessons do not become less relevant. Moreover, their relevance is increasing.

The reason is simple: firstly, the contradictions that the world communist revolution, begun by the Russian October Revolution, but strangled by world capitalism, its three main forces, fascism, Stalinism and bourgeois democracy, have not been resolved; secondly, came to an end new period the rise of capitalism, when the features of its new general crisis are taking shape, when the question of “who will win” will arise again. No matter how distant the experience of this first worldwide attempt to overthrow capital, it remains, if not the only one, then, in any case, the main one. And returning to it is a necessary condition in order to new try was a success. Therefore, on the eve of future revolutionary storms, celebrating the next anniversary of the leader of the October Revolution, we will draw attention to the main feature of Leninism, its internationalism.

Internationalism, of course, was understood by the Bolsheviks not in the philistine sense such as “there are no bad nations”, “all people are brothers”, etc. Like all Marxists, Russian revolutionary social democrats of the early twentieth century understood it in the sense that the overthrow of the world capitalist system is the common cause of the entire world working class.

Already in the program adopted at the Second Congress of the RSDLP, from which Bolshevism originated, it was said:

“The development of exchange has established such a close connection between all the peoples of the civilized world that the great liberation movement the proletariat should have become and has long since become international.

Considering itself one of the detachments of the world army of the proletariat, Russian Social Democracy pursues the same ultimate goal to which the Social Democrats of all other countries strive.”(“CPSU in resolutions and decisions of congresses, conferences and plenums of the Central Committee”, 8th edition, publishing house of political literature, M. 1970, vol. 1, p. 60).

That is, as can be seen from the first sentence of the above quote, it was not at all about fidelity to a beautiful but abstract idea, but about a completely practical understanding of the fact that the overthrow of capitalism, which has become a world system, is just as impossible within national borders as it was impossible in a single city block. The situation with the understanding of this fact was extremely confused by the efforts of Stalin’s agitprop, which, for the sake of preserving the power of the Stalinist bureaucracy and for the sake of giving it (for the stated purpose) a “socialist” image, pulled quotes from Lenin taken from the international context in order to attribute to him the non-existent theory of “socialism in one country."

At the same time, the statements of the same Lenin in these same articles, or in works of the same time, which directly stated the impossibility of national socialism, were completely ignored. We will dwell on these elementary Marxist truths of that era, presented in Lenin’s works.

The Russian Revolution turned out to be the intersection of two historical processes, national and global, a reflection of which are all disputes about the nature of both the revolution itself and the society that emerged from it. Russian society by 1917 had long been ripe and overripe for committing bourgeois revolution. At the same time, the general crisis of capitalism, which found its expression in the world war, raised the historical question of the exhaustion of the capitalist stage in the life of mankind, simultaneously creating objective conditions for the proletarian revolution with the goal of overthrowing capitalism and beginning the transition to communism. This intersection was superimposed by the fact that, frightened by the scale of the labor movement, the Russian bourgeoisie did not want to carry out its own revolution. And this task also had to be taken on by the working class. But, given the global crisis of the entire capitalist system, the Russian working class naturally had reason to hope that the workers of advanced countries, in turn, would make their own revolution and help the workers of more backward countries, incl. and Russia, begin to build socialism, without stopping at the long stage of capitalist development.

Based on this Lenin and sets the following tasks in the fall of 1915: “The task of the Russian proletariat is to complete the bourgeois-democratic revolution in Russia in order to ignite the socialist revolution in Europe. This second task has now come extremely close to the first, but it still remains a special and second task, for we are talking about different classes, collaborating with the proletariat of Russia, for the first task the collaborator is the petty-bourgeois peasantry of Russia, for the second - the proletariat of other countries"(V.I. Lenin, PSS, t.27, pp.49-50).

Already here lies the turn that came as a surprise to the “old Bolsheviks,” who, after the February revolution, still thought in the categories of 1905 and were going to establish a “democratic dictatorship of the proletariat and peasantry” to carry out a bourgeois revolution. Lenin, like Trotsky, saw in the global crisis associated with the war an opportunity to combine, thanks to the help of the international proletariat, the tasks of the national bourgeois and international socialist revolution. Before leaving for Russia in early April 1917, Lenin writes "Farewell letter to Swiss workers". He notes:

“Russia is a peasant country, one of the most backward European countries. Socialism cannot immediately win in it. But the peasant character of the country, with the enormous remaining land fund of noble landowners, on the basis of the experience of 1905, can give enormous scope to bourgeois democratic revolution in Russia and make our revolution a prologue to the world socialist revolution, a step towards it.”(V.I. Lenin, PSS, vol. 31, pp. 91-92).

In his short speech at the opening of the April Conference, Lenin states: “The Russian proletariat has the great honor of starting, but it must not forget that its movement and revolution constitute only part of the worldwide revolutionary proletarian movement, which, for example, in Germany is growing stronger and stronger every day. Only from this angle can we determine our tasks.”(ibid., p. 341). On the same day, in the Current Situation Report, he justifies his “bias” on a global scale: “...we are now connected with all other countries, and it is impossible to break out of this tangle: either the proletariat will break out as a whole, or it will be strangled”(ibid., p. 354). Concluding his report, which is mainly devoted to the necessary steps of the revolution, he emphasizes: “The complete success of these steps is possible only with a world revolution, if the revolution strangles the war, and if the workers in all countries support it, therefore taking power is the only concrete measure, this is the only way out.”(ibid., p. 358).

The understanding of the impossibility of winning even a socialist revolution, not to mention building a socialist society in a single country, especially one as backward as Russia, runs through all of Lenin’s works, right down to the very last - "Less is better". Not sure that he will be able to return to active work, he writes about what worries him: “Thus, we are now faced with the question: will we be able to hold out with our small and minute peasant production, with our ruin, until the Western European capitalist countries complete their development towards socialism?”(ibid., vol. 45, p. 402).

No illusions! And the same alarm sounds in him "Letter to the Congress" where he is concerned about one issue: the stability of the party leadership, the need to avoid its split during the period of painful anticipation of revolution in developed countries. And the fact that if the revolution is delayed, a split is inevitable due to internal development countries, Lenin understands perfectly:

“Our party relies on two classes and therefore its instability is possible and its fall is inevitable if an agreement could not take place between these two classes. In this case, it is useless to take certain measures or even talk about the stability of our Central Committee. No measures in this case will be able to prevent a split » (ibid., p. 344).

Only impenetrable dogmatism and reluctance to give up illusions force today’s Stalinists to again and again bring to light Lenin’s words about “building socialism”, completely ignoring those quotes of his where he directly speaks about the victory of the international revolution, like necessary condition of this “construction”.

But this condition was reflected not just in his speeches, but directly in the program of the RCP (b), adopted in the spring of 1919. Those. in the main official party document, where every word is carefully weighed. This is not a speech at a rally, where, for the sake of inspiring listeners, one can shout about “building socialism” without specifying when and under what conditions it is possible. The program speaks of the social revolution as “upcoming,” and Lenin defended this description against Podbelsky’s attacks, pointing out that “in our program we are talking about social revolution on a global scale” (ibid., v. 38, p.175). In a programme Russian communists, i.e. Bolsheviks, speech about national The social revolution is not even underway!

In the Political Report of the Central Committee to the Seventh Congress of the RCP (b), Lenin said: “International imperialism with all the power of its capital, with its highly organized military equipment, representing the real force, the real fortress of international capital, in no case, under any conditions, could get along next to the Soviet Republic both in terms of its objective position and in the economic interests of the capitalist class that was embodied in it - could not due to trade relations, international financial relations. Here conflict is inevitable. Here is the greatest difficulty of the Russian revolution, its greatest historical problem: the need to solve international problems, the need to cause an international revolution, to make this transition from our revolution, as a narrow national one, to a world one.”(ibid., v. 36, p.8). And a little further: “If you look at the world-historical scale, then there is no doubt that the final victory of the revolution, if it had remained alone, if there had not been revolutionary movement in other countries, it would be hopeless... Our salvation from all these difficulties - I repeat - is in the pan-European revolution.”(ibid., vol. 36 p.11).”

“Salvation... of the pan-European revolution” did not come, the split that Lenin feared occurred, and the party of the proletariat was destroyed. There was only one thing he was wrong about. The gravedigger party of the proletarian power turned out to be not the party of the peasants, but the party of the bureaucracy, whose bourgeois nature inevitably resulted from the bourgeois character of the Russian revolution, which failed to fulfill the task of developing into a world socialist one.

The ability to face the truth, not to create the illusion that a revolution can be won without something fundamentally important, is an absolutely necessary thing for a Marxist if he wants to achieve results. And we still need to learn this skill for a long time from Lenin.

The October Revolution occurred in the midst of a world war, when the internationalism of most parties of the Second International was abandoned for the sake of “defense of the fatherland.” Therefore, along with the concept of the impossibility of national socialism in the internationalist approach Lenin The most important issue is occupied by the issue of revolutionary defeatism, which is a particular but extremely important example of the preservation of the class independence of the proletariat in relation to the bourgeoisie.

The tactics of revolutionary defeatism, the tactics of turning an imperialist war into a civil war, were directly derived both from the general necessary condition class independence of the proletariat, and from specific decisions of the congresses of the Second International:

“The opportunists thwarted the decisions of the Stuttgart, Copenhagen and Basel congresses, which obligated socialists of all countries to fight against chauvinism under any and all conditions, obliging socialists to respond to any war started by the bourgeoisie and governments by intensified preaching of civil war and social revolution.”(ibid., vol. 26, p. 20), proclaims the Manifesto of the Central Committee of the RSDLP (b) written by Lenin. "War and Russian Social Democracy".

And further: “The transformation of the modern imperialist war into a civil war is the only correct proletarian slogan, indicated by the experience of the Commune, outlined by the Basel (1912) resolution and arising from all the conditions of the imperialist war between highly developed bourgeois countries”(ibid., p. 22).

This is the meaning of revolutionary defeatism: to use the defeat of your government to turn the mass mutual beating of each other by the working people on the fronts of the imperialist war, into a war of these working people against their bourgeois governments, for their overthrow and the establishment of the power of the working people themselves, which will put an end to all wars and capitalist exploitation.

Of course, we are not talking, and never have been, about somehow helping the military enemy for the sake of defeatism. And bourgeois propaganda often interprets this issue exactly this way, presenting the Bolsheviks as “German spies.” Just like in Germany, “Russian spies” were considered Karl Liebknecht And Rosa Luxemburg. Such an accusation is absurd, since the principle of revolutionary defeatism comes from the reactionary nature of all the warring parties and, therefore, it makes no sense to help another imperialist state in return for “our own.”

And, by the way, it was precisely this parody of revolutionary defeatism that, shortly before Germany’s attack on the USSR, the Stalinist regime imposed on the French Communist Party. Communist deputies were forced, under the conditions of fascist occupation, to switch to a legal position and begin receiving voters. They were all shot after June 22, 1941! As well as the party activists who communicated with them. There was also a request for permission to legally publish L'Humanite. Fortunately for the PCF, the fascists did not agree to this. But it is Stalin’s followers who will be ready to tear me to pieces for the position of defeatism in the Second World War, which will be discussed below.

In fact, we are talking about exposing in every possible way the jingoistic propaganda that justified the war on its part as “just.”

The point is to continue and strengthen the workers’ struggle for their rights and, ultimately, for their power, despite the accusations of patriots that by doing so they are “weakening the front” and “contributing” to military defeat. Yes, they contribute, but precisely through this struggle, and nothing else! Lenin explains these points quite clearly: “The revolutionary class in a reactionary war cannot help but desire the defeat of its government. ... “Revolutionary struggle against war” is an empty and meaningless exclamation, to which such masters are the heroes of the Second International, if by it we do not mean revolutionary actions against their government and during the war. It only takes a little thought to understand this. And revolutionary actions during the war against one’s government, undoubtedly, indisputably, mean not only the desire for defeat, but in fact also assistance in such defeat. (For the “astute reader”: this does not mean at all that it is necessary to “blow up bridges”, organize unsuccessful military strikes and generally help the government defeat the revolutionaries)”(ibid., p. 286). With these words Lenin, in his article "On the defeat of one's government in the imperialist war", pounces on the initially half-hearted position Trotsky.

The point is to corrupt the army of “your” imperialist power with your propaganda (and this is a condition for revolutionaries of all (!) countries), proving the senselessness and criminality of this war from all sides. The most complete result of such propaganda was the fraternization of soldiers of the armies at war with each other.

“The proletarian can neither inflict a class blow on his government, nor extend (in fact) a hand to his brother, the proletarian of a “foreign” country at war with “us,” without committing “high treason,” without contributing to defeat, without helping the disintegration of “his own.” imperialist "great" power"(ibid., p. 290).

The most striking example of the effectiveness of the latter was Bolshevik propaganda in relation to the German army. In Russia the German army seemed to be the victor, but it was here that the revolutionary example of Russian workers and soldiers had the greatest effect. The units transferred from Russia to the western front turned out to be completely ineffective, accelerating Germany’s defeat in the war and the revolution in it.

Revolutionary defeatism is not just a revolutionary phrase. This is a practical position, without which it is impossible (impossible!) to separate the working class from the ideological and political influence of “their” bourgeoisie: “ Supporters of the slogan “no victories, no defeats” actually stand on the side of the bourgeoisie and the opportunists, “not believing” in the possibility of international revolutionary actions of the working class against their governments, not wanting to help the development of such actions - a task that is undoubtedly not easy, but the only one worthy of the proletarian , the only socialist task. It was the proletariat of the most backward of the warring great powers that had, especially in the face of the shameful betrayal of the German and French Social Democrats, in the person of its party, to come out with revolutionary tactics, which are absolutely impossible without “promoting the defeat” of their government, but which alone leads to European revolution, to the lasting peace of socialism, to the deliverance of humanity from the horrors, disasters, savagery, bestiality that reigns today"(ibid., p. 291).

It was the transition “in practice” to the policy of defeatism, “promoting” it, that led to revolutions in Russia, Germany, and Austria-Hungary. But the absence of a political force defending it turned into a disaster for the world proletariat in the second world war. The chauvinistic, jingoistic frenzy contributed to the start of both the first and second world wars. It is very difficult to reverse it, especially for a revolutionary minority operating underground. However, when, taught by the bitter experience of war, the working people, both in the rear and at the front, themselves over time begin to intuitively realize the correctness of this approach, then without a revolutionary vanguard they can fall into the hands of completely different ideologists and practitioners. 2 million citizens of the USSR, a state-capitalist imperialist power, if they did not fight on the side during the Second World War fascist Germany, then, in any case, they were listed in collaborationist military units. And far (very far!) not everyone was anti-communists and enemies of socialism. Many bought into the “socialist” phraseology of General Vlasov. The same thing happened in the Ukrainian rebel army. And how many soldiers, workers and peasants of the USSR were there who would have been happy to oppose the Stalinist regime, but who had enough understanding that it was pointless to do this under the flag of fascism?!

The potential for the tactics of revolutionary defeatism in our country was very great, but there was no political force - the Bolshevik Party was wiped out almost completely. Worse yet, and few among her understood the capitalist nature of the USSR. Indicative in this regard is the example of the Trotskyists, the only, at least relatively numerous, anti-Stalinist political force in the labor movement. Operating in Europe, it also had the human potential for revolutionary propaganda to transform the imperialist war into a civil war. In particular, in France and Italy. Here, even many ordinary Stalinists, even participating in a completely patriotic resistance movement, hoped that after the end of the war they would be able to use their organization and authority for the socialist revolution. Not so! Torez, Togliatti and Co., who arrived from Moscow, quickly put everything “in place”, imposing a continuation of the policy of anti-fascist Popular Fronts even after the defeat of fascism.

And if some part of the working class still had revolutionary sentiments, the Trotskyists helped overcome them with their slogan of “unconditional defense of the USSR.” If the USSR is a workers’ state, then it is necessary to defend both it and its allies in anti-Hitler coalition. This logic finally achieved hope for a new revolutionary wave as a response to the Second World War. imperialist war. The world working class found itself subordinate to the tasks of its national capitalist detachments. Only a few representatives of the Trotskyist Fourth International, as well as representatives of the Italian communist Left, took revolutionary positions, but remained practically isolated. Without revolutionary defeatism, as well as without the defeat of Stalinism, the continuation of the world revolution begun in October 1917 was impossible.

“The “unconditional defense of the USSR” turns out to be incompatible with the defense of the world revolution. The defense of Russia must be left as a matter of special urgency, since it binds our entire movement, puts pressure on our theoretical development and gives us a Stalinized physiognomy in the eyes of the masses. It is impossible to defend the world revolution and Russia at the same time. Either one or the other. We stand for world revolution, against the defense of Russia, and we call on you to speak out in the same direction [...] in order to remain faithful to the revolutionary tradition of the Fourth International, we must abandon the Trotskyist theory of defense of the USSR; We are thus carrying out in the International the ideological revolution necessary for the success of the world revolution.” These are quotes from the "Open Letter to the Internationalist Communist Party" dated June 1947. The party operated in France, affiliated with the Fourth Trotskyist International and included both those who shared the Trotskyist theory of a “deformed workers’ state” and those who already understood the capitalist nature of the USSR. Among the latter were the authors of this letter - Grandiso Muniz, Benjamin Pere And Natalia Sedova-Trotskaya, widow Leon Trotsky.

However, it was already too late. Taking advantage of its victory in the Second World War, capitalism completed the redistribution of the world, united most of the world market under the auspices of the USA, and a smaller part - the USSR, thereby providing the conditions for the collapse of the world colonial system and the inclusion of its countries in the system of the world capitalist market. In short, capitalism created the conditions for its transition to a higher stage of its development, which lasted 60 years, and which begins to burst at the seams again, preparing new big and small wars. This was a period of prolonged counter-revolution on all fronts. But the growing crisis, economic, military, political, ideological, again requires revolutionary leadership. And this leadership must be formed fully armed with the entire revolutionary experience of the past, and the experience of Bolshevism in the first place. And the center of this experience has been and will be the emphasis on the world socialist revolution and the political class independence of the proletariat, the most integral part of which is the categorical rejection of any form of patriotism and revolutionary defeatism. 13.01.2020

FateBolshevik uprising, which happened in Petrograd in October 1917, was very difficult and depended on many factors. One of them, undoubtedly, was the influence Vladimir Lenin.

Even while abroad, in exile, he continued to write articles and manifestos in which he addressed members of the Central Committee with various appeals. Lenin did not immediately talk about the need to seize power by force, but both the political and economic situation in Russia by 1917 had developed in such a way that this step began to seem inevitable.

On October 12, 1917 (September 29, old style), an article was published in the Bolshevik newspaper Rabochiy Put, which was called “The crisis is ripe.” In it, Lenin openly called for an armed uprising, which caused indignation among many of his fellow party members. However, soon, on October 23, at the next meeting of the Central Committee, where Lenin was already present in person, the uprising was placed on the agenda, and on October 29 the decision was finally made.

The doctor explained in an interview with Istoria.RF the impact Lenin’s journalism had on the Bolsheviks and why party members who “broke away” from the leader decided to follow him again at a turning point. historical sciences, columnist for the magazine “Historian” Oleg Nazarov.

“It all started with the Kornilov region”

Oleg Gennadievich, even before Lenin returned from exile and took part in meetings of the Central Committee, he published a large number of articles where he openly called on the Bolsheviks to take up arms. How much did these works influence the fate of the uprising?

If we talk about Lenin’s journalism as a whole, we should mainly consider two months - September and October 1917. This is the period immediately after and before the Bolsheviks took power on October 26. Everything that he wrote and did at this time, it seems to me, makes sense to be considered in its entirety. We need to start from the Kornilovism. This attempt to move from the right was prevented quickly and almost bloodlessly due to the fact that all left parties of a socialist orientation, the main ones of which were the Bolsheviks, Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries, acted in a single coalition against the Kornilov rebellion. Together, with the support public organizations, Vikzhel (All-Russian Executive Committee of the Railway Trade Union. - Note ed.) and other trade unions, they managed to create a broad movement on the left and prevent a rebellion quickly and bloodlessly.

- How did these events affect Lenin and his supporters?

At this moment, Lenin had the idea for several days that, perhaps, on the basis of this coalition, which had justified itself, as he writes in one of his articles, it would be possible to create a homogeneous socialist government. But we need to understand the situation in the socialist camp. I mean, first of all, the two main parties are the Mensheviks and the Socialist Revolutionaries. In both parties, representatives of two currents fought. If we talk about the right Mensheviks and right Socialist Revolutionaries, they were focused on continuing cooperation with the liberals, that is, with the line that had continued since May, when the first coalition government was created. But at the same time, since the Cadets supported the Kornilov rebellion and were the main party of the liberal camp, questions arose to them. And some of the Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries, who had previously advocated for this coalition, began to believe that it had not justified itself, and wondered whether it was necessary to continue to support it and create another cabinet of the Provisional Government on its basis. As a result, this Menshevik-SR camp came to the conclusion that it was necessary to convene a Democratic Conference - a broad representation in which representatives of liberal parties would also take part. And so it happened: in September more than one and a half thousand people gathered in Petrograd. There were also Bolsheviks there, but the bulk were moderate socialists.

Presidium of the All-Russian Democratic Conference

"We'll take a different path"

- What problems were the participants of this meeting trying to solve? Was this a definite signal for Lenin?

They thought that at the Democratic Conference it would be possible to resolve the question of what the new government would be like - a coalition with the participation of the Cadets or a non-coalition one. When the choice was made in favor of the Democratic Conference, Lenin clearly understood that you couldn’t make porridge with these guys. He saw that the attempt at a compromise, which he actually proposed to the Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks, was rejected. Therefore, Lenin decided: “We will take a different path.” From that moment on, he clearly set a course to seize power, relying on the convening of the Second Congress of Soviets and an armed uprising.

- But the Bolsheviks rejected Lenin’s proposal for a long time. Was there also a split within the party?

Within the Bolshevik Party there was a strong current of so-called “right” Bolsheviks, who were determined to continue to seek common ground with the Socialist Revolutionaries and Mensheviks. One of the most authoritative representatives of this right-wing movement was Lev Kamenev. But, naturally, he was not alone: ​​Zinoviev, Nogin, Ryazanov stood in these positions - this was a fairly powerful group of Bolsheviks. And Lenin had to first of all convince the Central Committee that all attempts at compromise with this camp were pointless and power had to be taken by force. And on this issue Lenin found the support of Trotsky. These two people, in fact, became the engine of the October Revolution. They gradually influenced their party - and above all its leadership. As a result, on October 10, the famous meeting of the Central Committee took place, where it was decided to take a course towards an armed uprising. Only Kamenev and Zinoviev openly opposed it.

“Zinoviev could not keep up with Lenin, but he went ahead”

-Who led the uprising?

- The strategic course was determined by Lenin, and practical guide Trotsky was engaged as chairman of the executive committee of the Petrograd Soviet, under which the Military Revolutionary Committee was created. This body actually led the uprising. There is one important point here: after all, it was not a party body, but a Soviet body - that is, it was attended by representatives of other parties that supported the Bolsheviks - anarchists, left Socialist Revolutionaries... So not only the Bolsheviks took part in the capture of Winter Palace.

There is a version that Lenin’s determination, with which he sought an armed uprising, was significantly strengthened after his meeting with Zinoviev in Petrograd. Thus, Vladlen Loginov in his book “Lenin in 1917” writes: “...they separated, and the common language was lost,” “Grigory once again participated in a meeting of the Central Committee, and in his explanations the influence of Kamenev was quite noticeable.” How did it happen that the paths of two such authoritative Bolsheviks and like-minded people diverged?

During the period of emigration, Zinoviev was Lenin's right hand. In many ways, he served as his secretary - in general, he was his closest ally and practically his closest party comrade, not counting Krupskaya. It was quite a long period of time. Together with Zinoviev, Lenin returned from Switzerland in April 1917; after the July events, the two of them hid in Razliv. They were very close. But just after the Kornilov events, Zinoviev took a much more moderate position. In general, Lenin was a rather radical comrade and thought strategically several steps ahead. Not everyone kept up with him, even among the people who were with him for many years and learned a lot from him - people like Zinoviev. And then Zinoviev, by character, was not a very decisive person; it was Lenin who could go ahead. Over time, a misunderstanding arose between them, to the point that Lenin demanded that Zinoviev and Kamenev be expelled from the party. But he said this in the heat of the moment and then quickly walked away. The Central Committee did not expel them, but a residue remained.

“Even inside Petrograd the picture of the revolution was different”

What ultimately prompted the Bolsheviks to start an uprising - the words of Vladimir Ilyich or their own understanding that a crisis was brewing?

First of all, this is, of course, the influence of Lenin himself, his great authority. But at the same time, there were people in the Central Committee who consistently followed him and thought the same way as he did. At the same time, there was a fairly large group of hesitant people in the party, but at the final moment - this is the vote on October 10 and 16 - they voted the way Lenin needed. Here the factor of the leader played a role. And then, every day it became more and more clear that this could not continue for long, someone had to take power: either the left, led by the Bolsheviks, would do it, or again there would be some kind of relapse that would lead to a new Kornilovism. The right camp was in confusion after the Kornilov events. But it was clear that this would not last forever and at some point a regrouping would begin: the same Kerensky could remove units from the front that would come and suppress the uprising. In addition, everyone had the experience of July before their eyes - after all, the first attempt at an uprising was on July 3-4, 1917. What is most paradoxical is that it was undertaken against Lenin’s will. It was suppressed, primarily due to the removal of units from the front that at that time were loyal to Kerensky. Well, they spread misinformation about the fact that Lenin was a German spy - this also greatly influenced the masses. And after the Kornilov revolution, Kerensky was no longer believed at the front: he actually betrayed the Cossacks who supported Kornilov.

So, at that moment there was no longer any doubt that it was Lenin who should lead the revolutionary uprising?

- In that situation, the issue of power had to be resolved one way or another. And then this is a revolution, and in this process time is very compressed - many events happen in a short period of time. All this is developing dynamically in different places, and people often simply do not have time to comprehend it, even if they receive all the information. Although there was a big problem with this - the Internet and mobile phones, as you understand, did not exist then. All information came through newspapers. If you read the minutes of meetings of various Bolshevik bodies, you can see that even in different districts of Petrograd the picture was different: somewhere the mood was absolutely pro-Bolshevik, and somewhere completely different. In one city! Therefore, even party leaders and members of the Central Committee found it difficult to understand what was happening. And Lenin was a recognized authority among the Bolsheviks and always determined the party line. They believed in him, they followed him, and he truly was the most powerful intellect not only in the party, but in the entire country. Plus, Lenin was an extremely strong-willed person.

Yes, many noted this quality in him. But, for example, he also appreciated “the modesty of Comrade Lenin and his courage to admit his mistakes.” Do you think Lenin ever entertained the idea that an uprising might be a mistake?

He knew how to admit mistakes, but this was not the case. Just after what he did in October, everyone who doubted him admitted that they were wrong. This was Lenin's finest hour. Despite all the problems, difficulties and doubts, including in his party, he moved forward like a locomotive.

If neither Lenin nor I had been in St. Petersburg, there would have been no October Revolution: the leadership of the Bolshevik Party would have prevented it from happening...

(L.D. Trotsky “Diaries and Letters.”)

Vladimir Ilyich ended his speech at the Second All-Russian Congress of Soviets, delivered immediately after the seizure of power:

“In Russia we must now begin to build a proletarian socialist state. Long live the world socialist revolution!”

But just two weeks ago Lenin wrote something completely different. Then his nerves were tense as a string. During that period, he managed everything: find new slogans, speak successfully at rallies, convince those who were undecided and literally drag them forward by the scruff of the neck to a bright future. He was in a hurry, in a terrible hurry. We read Lenin's letter with a clear and clear title - "The Bolsheviks must take power." The addressees are also indicated: the Central Committee, the Petrograd and Moscow Committees of the RSDLP (b):

“Why should the Bolsheviks take power now? Because the upcoming surrender of St. Petersburg will make our chances a hundred times worse. And we are unable to prevent the surrender of St. Petersburg to the army with Kerensky and Co. at the head. And we cannot “wait” for the Constituent Assembly, because that but by surrendering Peter to Kerensky and Co. they can always thwart it. Only our party, having taken power, can ensure the convening of the Constituent Assembly and, having taken power, it will accuse other parties of delaying and prove the accusation."

The nervousness of Lenin's lines immediately catches the eye. The main question: “Why should they take power now?” Lenin is in a hurry, he knows that power must be taken right now. But this excessive haste must be hidden. Those around her will not understand, they no longer understand her, just as they did not understand much before. How tired of all this he was! He cannot reveal the whole truth to them and therefore he has to invent, God knows what, for his own comrades!

Everything is at stake - the revolution, the country, and perhaps the fate of the whole world. But only he understands this. And Trotsky. Nobody else. Some take their word for it and follow their leader, but in the depths of their eyes there is still misunderstanding. Why now? Why are we in such a hurry?

On October 10 (23), at a meeting of the Party Central Committee, Ilyich felt this “indifference to the question of the uprising.” But Lenin’s nerves are not made of iron, they give way. And then his anxiety and anxiety, bordering on despair, spill out onto the paper, like invisible ink.

"Letter to members of the Central Committee of the RSDLP (b)."

“Comrades! I am writing these lines on the evening of the 24th, the situation is extremely critical. It is clearer than clear that now, truly, delay in the uprising is like death. With all my might I convince my comrades that now everything hangs by a thread, that questions are next in line, which are not decided by meetings, not by congresses (even by congresses of Soviets), but exclusively by the people, the masses, the struggle of the armed masses... You can’t wait!! You can lose everything!! History will not forgive delays for revolutionaries who could win today (and will certainly win today) , risking losing a lot tomorrow, risking losing everything. The taking of power is a matter of rebellion; its political goal will become clear after the taking. It would be ruinous or a formality to wait for a wavering vote on October 25, the people have the right and the duty to decide such issues not by voting, but by force... The government is wavering "We must finish him off at all costs! Delay in action is like death."

If before Ilyich was cunning, inventing various fables, now he simply speaks openly, does not speak, shouts: we must take power! Everything hangs by a thread! You can lose everything! And he further calls on his comrades not to ask unnecessary questions, not to be tormented by doubts, and not to waste precious time on meetings and deliberations. Lenin writes quite frankly: the “political goal” of taking power “will become clear after the taking.” First we will come to power, and then our goal will become clear. Comrade Zinoviev, is our goal not yet clear? So it’s nothing, my friend. Let’s take power first, and then I’ll tell you why we did it.

Let's leave Vladimir Ilyich alone with his doubts and worries and ask ourselves just one question. The answer to this is very, very interesting. The answer to it is scary because it reveals to us that secret veil from where the revolutionary attack attacked our country. Where is Vladimir Ilyich in such a hurry?

Let's think about it. If some political force begins to desperately rush to implement its political plans, this means that another force can interfere with their implementation. Lenin is in a hurry to take power, therefore, there must be a threat of disruption of Lenin’s plan. Who can stop him from becoming the head of Russia in October 1917? Let's list all the hypothetical opponents:

- “bourgeois” Provisional Government;

Military coup;

Monarchist conspiracy;

German offensive and their occupation of Russia;

Intervention of the "allies".

Let's look at the reality of all these threats in order.

1. The power represented by the Provisional Government quickly degraded, it simply fell apart right before our eyes. At the head of Russia was Kerensky, who did his best to help the Bolsheviks. More and more socialists and extremists of all stripes appeared in the government. Lenin knew and saw this very well. It was possible to simply wait until the power, managed so ineptly, itself, like a ripe fruit, would fall at the feet of the Bolsheviks. After all, the government is either inactive or helps and plays along with its destroyers until the very last minute.

2. Practically the only, real threat to Lenin - a military coup is no longer possible, thanks to the efforts of the same Kerensky. General Kornilov, with the help of the head of the Provisional Government, is disgraced and arrested. Kornilov's closest associates were either arrested or shot themselves. The army has been purged. All unreliable generals were fired or sent to hell in the literal sense of the word. The possibility of a military coup is completely excluded. No leaders, no organization. Yes and no desire.

(It’s funny, but after October, Kerensky, together with Lavr Georgievich Kornilov, the Bolsheviks will generally lump together. They will write in their appeals: “Soldiers, actively oppose the Kornilovite Kerensky!” This all sounds no less funny than “Trotskyist Stalin” ! But who will take it apart!?)

3. There was no trace of monarchist conspiracies in 1917. Not even the most meticulous historian has found the slightest hint of such a possibility. Let's celebrate it too.

4. The Germans also cannot be a threat to the Bolsheviks seizing power. After all, it was they who brought Lenin here, and all his actions weaken Russia. This means that they only play into the hands of the Germans. And the German officers, who arrived on a sealed train, helped organize the coup. The “upcoming surrender of St. Petersburg” to the Germans, which Ilyich himself writes about in his letters to his comrades, should not embarrass us. Neither Kerensky nor Kornilov, nor anyone at all, had such plans. The surrender of the city was simply far-fetched; it existed only in Lenin’s imagination and served as an excuse for his incomprehensible haste. And the Germans had no intention of capturing the Russian capital. Lenin knew this very well - he just came up with this good reason to hurry up his unlucky comrades, and after him it went from book to book! Previously, he frightened the proletariat and revolutionary democracy with Kornilov, now he began to frighten him with the German bayonet. This is all the more convenient since Lenin is familiar with the German plans. The July uprising of the Bolsheviks surprisingly coincided in timing with our offensive at the front and the subsequent counterattack of the Germans. The Bolsheviks, by their actions, weakened the country and the army, and it would be very strange for the Germans to interfere with them.

5. Our valiant “allies” also did not intend to interfere with Lenin, for the same reason as the Germans. His activities also benefited them. And there were no free divisions or plans for this. This threat did not exist in reality at all. If only because Lenin himself never mentions it.

An interesting picture emerges: the Leninists have no real opponents within the country - power has been decomposed and is decomposing further. Everything is great with the outside world: they have complete love with the Germans, the “allies” do not interfere in anything. There is no threat, the Bolsheviks are getting stronger every week. Slowly but surely the Bolsheviks are moving towards power, and the further they go, the fewer obstacles remain in front of them on this path. It seems to be patient and wait, but the brilliant Lenin is in a hurry and in a hurry. But Lenin hurries and hurries: “delay in an uprising is like death”! But why?

The answer must be sought from the leader of the world proletariat himself.

“If we so easily dealt with Kerensky’s gangs, if we created power so easily, if we without the slightest difficulty received a decree on the socialization of the land and workers’ control, it was only because specially developed conditions shielded us from international imperialism for a short moment.”

Vladimir Ilyich himself will write this a little later. Everything turned out like in a fairy tale - “specially developed conditions” helped Lenin take power. International “allied” imperialism calmly looked at all this, “putting down” these “ special conditions"So lucky for the Bolsheviks. But he asked for something in return...

Nothing just happens in this world. To be able to seize power, to gain money and the loyalty of the Provisional Government, Lenin had to take on certain obligations. These are worth mentioning.

The “German” obligations are completely clear: Lenin promised them to take Russia out of the war. They talk a lot about this, all modern publications are full of the “debts” of the Bolsheviks to the Germans, completely forgetting about the obligations to the “allies.” You cease to doubt that they existed when you analyze the behavior of Paris, London and Washington in the flaring up Russian civil strife. We must again plunge into the sinister plan for the collapse of Russia, concocted by our “allies” in the Entente. Part of their scenario, as we have seen, was brilliantly implemented by Mr. Kerensky. The final stage began. Vladimir Ilyich was trained to implement this part. They wanted to use him, and he, in turn, was preparing to take advantage of the unique moment and make a revolution that was absolutely impossible in any other situation.

Lenin made only one obligation to his “allies”: TO INTERRUPT THE LEGITIMACY OF THE RUSSIAN AUTHORITY!

This is a very interesting and completely unexplored question. This is the key to understanding Lenin's haste. This is the answer to many questions that historians cannot find. In October 1917, the only legitimate government in Russia was the Provisional Government. His only task was to convene the Constituent Assembly, which, after the abdication of Nicholas and then Mikhail, was to decide the further structure of the country. The provisional government was just a guiding force designed to bring the country to elections. Instead, it brought the country to the brink, but that’s not what we’re talking about now.

In order to completely destroy Russia, the “allies” were preparing a small legal incident for it - the absence of legitimate power at all! After all, no matter what the Provisional Government was, it was only Lenin who openly opposed it! Kornilov lost because he did not intend to overthrow the “temporaries”, but only wanted to cleanse the government of spies and traitors. All the other revolutionaries and separatists of various stripes in the vast Russian republic-empire have so far only stammered about autonomy and national military formations. Because openly calling for the overthrow of legitimate government is difficult both morally and legally. By doing this, you automatically become a rebel and a criminal. It's a completely different matter if there is no government. No, of course it exists, but it is illegal, and therefore it is not necessary to obey it!

This is the situation that was prepared for our country. After the overthrow of the Kerensky government by the Bolsheviks, the only legitimate body of power remained the Constituent Assembly. The Bolsheviks had to sit “on the throne” until it was convened and successfully disperse the people’s representatives. After they liquidated the Constituent Assembly, a complete legal vacuum set in - there was no legal authority left in the country. Just imagine: endless, huge Russia and there is no power! The Tsar abdicated, his brother abdicated, Kerensky abdicated. The provisional government was dispersed and is in prison, the deputies of the “constituent group” were also dissolved. From Vladivostok to Helsinki, from Murmansk to Central Asia there is no respected recognized power structure. But you cannot live without power, without the state; there cannot be a vacuum in public life. Therefore, in all these vast expanses, the process of forming new power structures will begin. Spontaneously and everywhere at the same time. What does this mean? Inevitable collision these new structures, confrontation and struggle. This means chaos, anarchy, civil war. This is death, hunger and deprivation. All together - this is the end of the country. Here it is, the logical conclusion of the “allies” plan - the death of Russia.

In order to violate the legitimacy of the government, the coup had to be carried out not “when it works”, but with a clear timing. Lenin was in a hurry to take power by the time of voting in the Constituent Assembly. On the other hand, he simply needed to be in time for the opening of the Second All-Russian Congress of Soviets.

Lenin had to take power before the ballots were put into the ballot boxes and for one more reason: he had no other pretext left for seizing it! The whole country was waiting for the convening of the Constituent Assembly. The only motivation that the masses could understand at that moment was that power was necessary to hold elections and ensure the future convening of this main state body. It is “for”, not “against”! Lenin's genius as a politician lay in the fact that in order to disperse the Constituent Assembly, he took power under the slogan of supporting it! That is why in his letters to his colleagues Lenin calls for taking power, supposedly to ensure this convocation. In fact, Ilyich calls on the Bolsheviks to take the place of the Provisional Government, designed to carry out the election process. But in reality, Lenin did not need elections, but a revolution.

To completely dispel our doubts, let’s compare the dates:

Here Lenin managed to get ahead of the elections, having almost two weeks of free time. But with the second term, for the opening of the Second Congress of Soviets, I was almost late. Remember, the First Congress of Soviets in June, at which Ulyanov and Kerensky spoke amicably, one after another. Before its closure, it set October 25 (November 7) as the opening date for the next convention.

An “amazing” coincidence - it was on this day that the Bolshevik revolution took place! However, “miracles” don’t just happen in history! The history of our revolutions is no exception. Lenin had to take power not at all, but by a very specific date. Quickly, clearly, without wasting time on explanations and persuasion. Otherwise, the whole meaning of his actions for the “union” plan was lost. Therefore, “delay is like death”! Take power a week later, and your “allied” friends will say that you have not fulfilled your obligations. If you make it by the deadline, then everything will go like clockwork. Firstly, both the Germans and the “allies” will help you, or at least not interfere. Secondly, almost no one will offer resistance within the country (at least at first). In other words, there will be time to look around and strengthen yourself. “Specially developed conditions” must be used to the fullest! Lenin needs this revolution not in order to grab gold and run abroad, not in order to simply destroy Russian Empire, and in order to fulfill his pipe dream - to build a new socialist state.

You cannot take power after the elections. Better earlier, ahead of time. A coup d'etat is a difficult thing - no matter how late it is. At first, in July, we were not yet ready. Then, at the end of August, Kornilov’s speech interfered. Finally, in October we prepared more thoroughly, but we had to be sure of success. The stake is too high. If the performance fails, then both the “allies” and the Germans may turn away from the Bolsheviks. They will look for other executors of their plans. Then miracles may end, Lenin’s “brilliant” foresight will disappear...

No, you can't risk it. We arranged a rehearsal - in Tashkent. So everything almost fell through there due to the resistance of one Cossack regiment. He resisted so vigorously that Vladimir Ilyich’s comrades again panicked. Then he again told them that everything would be fine, they would win. And again he was right: a telegram from Kerensky came to the Cossacks demanding peace. During the war with Germany, it is unacceptable to shed brotherly blood, and so on. Listening to Kerensky, the Cossacks left Tashkent and went to the fortress, and the Bolsheviks surrounded it with heavy artillery overnight and began shelling in the morning. There was nothing to be done - the Cossacks came out without horses and surrendered. They were caught and brutally killed, the officers' eyes were gouged out...

And the Bolsheviks drew conclusions for themselves for the future. In Petrograd, an agreement will be reached with the Cossacks, and they will remain neutral, so the seizure of power will take place practically without incident.

However, preparation, thorough preparation, required time. But Lenin didn’t have enough of it. It flowed away, like grains of sand flowing one after another through the opening of an hourglass. Lenin was in a hurry, but did not have time, and then Kerensky helped him again. Now this is rarely mentioned, but initially the vote for the Constituent Assembly was scheduled for September 17 (30), 1917. This date was announced only in mid-June. However, already in August the deadlines were shifted. “Given the aggravation of the situation in the country,” the Provisional Government postponed the elections of the Constituent Assembly to November 12 (25). Accordingly, the dates of its convening also changed: from September 30 (October 13) to November 28 (December 11), 1917. Then the date of convocation will be postponed again: to January 5 (18), 1918. This was the gain in time, having received which Lenin managed to make a revolution...

Case in point The true reasons for Lenin’s haste with an armed uprising is the well-known story of the “betrayal” of Kamenev and Zinoviev, their “disclosure” of the party’s plans to its opponents. Ilyich had everything ready to take power. Everyone... except the Bolshevik party itself. More precisely - its thinking part. The worm of doubt ate away at everyone who could think for themselves. Why stage an uprising on the eve of elections?

And every street boy knows that there will be an uprising. As a matter of fact, none of the Bolsheviks made a secret of this. Even Vladimir Ilyich himself. At the end of September, Lenin wrote the work “Will the Bolsheviks Maintain State Power?” Even from the title it is clear that taking power is already a settled issue, and we are talking about the success or failure of this event. The final decision was made on October 10 (23) at a meeting of the Central Committee of the party. Everyone voted “for” except Kamenev and Zinoviev. After this decision, the Military Revolutionary Committee was formed, two weeks later it calmly took power and imprisoned the ministers of the Provisional Government in the Peter and Paul Fortress.

Trotsky spoke best about the level of secrecy kept by the Bolsheviks, speaking at the second anniversary October revolution in 1919: “In vain does memory try to find in history another uprising that was publicly scheduled in advance for a certain date and would have been carried out on time - and, moreover, victoriously.” In general, in Lev Davydovich’s memoirs “My Life”, mention of the “terrible secret” can be found many times: “They talked about the uprising everywhere: on the streets, in the dining room, when meeting on the stairs of Smolny.”

So, everyone is waiting for an armed uprising of the Bolsheviks, everyone knows about it. At this very time on October 18 (31) in the newspaper " New life"An interview with Kamenev was published, in which he talked about his (together with Zinoviev) disagreement with the decision of the Party Central Committee on an armed uprising. “The chances of our party in the elections to the Constituent Assembly are excellent,” Kamenev wrote. “There is talk that the influence of Bolshevism is beginning to decline and the like, we consider to be absolutely groundless. In the mouths of our political opponents, these statements are simply a device of a political game, calculated precisely to provoke the Bolsheviks to act in conditions favorable to our enemies."

On the same day, speaking at the Petrograd Soviet, Trotsky said: “They tell us that we are preparing to seize power. We make no secret of this matter...”.

Lenin's reaction to talk of an uprising by his closest associates is surprising and inexplicable. He does not notice Trotsky’s direct statements from the rostrum of the Petrograd Soviet, but he furiously attacks Kamenev and Zinoviev! October 20 (November 2) Lenin writes a letter to the Central Committee regarding the “treacherous behavior” of his comrades. The Central Committee condemns Kamenev and Zinoviev and henceforth prohibits them from making statements against the decisions taken by the party. And Vladimir Ilyich himself answers Zinoviev and Kamenev with the same printed word! “Letter to Comrades,” a voluminous work of 20 pages, is published over three (!) days, in three issues of the newspaper “Workers’ Way”: “I say frankly,” writes the proletarian leader, “that I no longer consider them both comrades, and all I will fight with all my might to expel both of them from the party.”

There are many unflattering epithets: “Unheard of hesitations that could have a disastrous effect on the party... These are a couple of comrades who have lost their principles.” This often happens with Lenin - in the heat of polemics, he does not particularly choose his words and swears terribly at those who betrayed the plans of the Bolsheviks. And then gives a refutation? No.

Lenin, having vented his soul in printed abuse, himself gives an open and complete justification for the need for an immediate armed uprising, the “secret” of which his comrades “gave away”!

And after October, (i.e. just a week!) one of those who “lost principles” - Kamenev, will head the All-Union Executive Committee (VTsIK), designed to control the activities of Soviet government The Council of People's Commissars, which is headed by Lenin himself. A little more time will pass, and Kamenev will be chairman of the Moscow Council of Deputies. At the same time, Zinoviev will become chairman of the Petrograd Soviet and chairman of the Executive Committee of the Comintern.

Only one week has passed, and there is no trace of the “terrible” contradictions and the “nightmarish betrayal.” The leaders of the Bolsheviks are together again. Why is the fanatically stubborn Lenin so inconsistent in the fight against traitors and renegades? Why did he so quickly forgive the “traitors”, “strikebreakers”, “vile”, “swindlers”, “liars”, “impudents”, “criminals” “who betrayed their party’s decision on an armed uprising to Rodzianka and Kerensky”? Why five years later, on December 24, 1922, Lenin in his “Letter to the Congress”, in fact in his political testament, will write: “The October episode of Zinoviev and Kamenev, of course, was not an accident, but that it can just as little be blamed on them personally as Trotsky’s non-Bolshevism”?

Because Lenin knows very well that the behavior of Kamenev and Zinoviev, which is harmful to the uprising, is caused not by their meanness and betrayal, but by the desire to make the revolution in the best possible way. Kamenev and Zinoviev need to come to power in the simplest and most bloodless way. But Lenin must not only take power, but also be sure to interrupt its legitimacy!

He has clear deadlines and specific obligations to his “allies.” How can he explain to his overly principled comrades that the “specially developed conditions” for the revolution are only in effect now! That Kerensky will behave so strangely and play giveaway only as long as he has such an instruction. The position of his masters will change and the Bolsheviks could be slammed in a moment. It's impossible to explain. Therefore, Zinoviev, who spent time together with Ilyich in a hut in Razliv, does not understand the underlying reasons for Lenin’s behavior, and Kamenev does not understand. And not realizing the true motives of their leader’s actions, they sincerely believe that Lenin is making a mistake.

That is why Kamenev and Zinoviev are trying to warn Lenin against a fatal error; they write in the newspaper that “with the given balance of forces and a few days before the Congress of Soviets, seizing power would be disastrous for the proletariat.” They don’t understand that this particular option for taking power is the only possible one. But this does not make their dedication to the party’s cause any less.

There was no betrayal, which is why Lenin placed both “traitors” in the most responsible positions a week after their “betrayal.” And he worries so much because he cannot allow himself to show his weakness and the weakness of the party he leads to external forces. How will you, Mr. Lenin, make a revolution and fulfill your obligations if you cannot sort things out within the Central Committee of your own party? This is the question that the “allied” emissaries will ask Lenin, the same glory will be repeated by those who arrived in a sealed carriage to help organize the coup German officers. That is why Vladimir Ilyich attacked Zinoviev and Kamenev.

And also because Lenin’s nerves were strained to the limit. After all, the final, most important days for Lenin are coming. The revolution will not work in October, it may never work again. We must understand the terrible tension of HIS October days. Convince wavering comrades, prepare a coup, create a Military Revolutionary Committee. And when everything seemed to be done, a discussion began in the press, opened by the restless Kamenev and Zinoviev!

Moreover, the date of the performance changed several times. The coup was initially scheduled for October 20, and Petrograd was filled with rumors and speculation. Many townspeople left the city that day. Those who remain do not dare leave the house; the streets are semi-deserted. But there was no Bolshevik speech, something didn’t come together completely, and the last trickle threatened to spill out of the hourglass of history.

Then they said on the streets that the coup was scheduled for the 21st. But then War Minister Verkhovsky unexpectedly makes a report at a meeting of the Provisional Government, in which he directly says that the army cannot fight anymore, it is necessary to save the state, which requires a separate peace with Germany. For Lenin, this is a disaster: should the government make peace, or at least announce a desire to begin negotiations, his main trump card will be torn from Ilyich’s hands. This cannot be allowed. Therefore, Kerensky is again playing “giveaway”: Verkhovsky, under his pressure, resigns. There will be no negotiations. However, even the simple circulation of rumors about this is extremely undesirable. When the newspaper "Common Cause", having learned about the proposal of the Minister of War, branded him a traitor and traitor, it was, to the surprise of the publishers... closed by the Provisional Government on the same day!

And persistent rumors continue to creep around Petrograd - the Bolshevik coup will take place on Sunday, October 22 (November 4). But the 22nd is the day of the Kazan Mother of God, and the Cossack regiments scheduled a prayer for the salvation of the Motherland and a mass religious procession through the city on this day. It is impossible to clash with the Cossacks; the date of the uprising has to be postponed again. So it moved away from day to day until the Great October occurred on October 25 (November 7).

Only Ilyich’s iron will was able to unite the Bolshevik Party and force it to follow the path of a victorious uprising to the end. At the very last moment, Lenin managed to do what his “allies” expected of him. And he entered the meeting hall of the Second Congress of Soviets triumphantly. When it opened on the evening of October 25th, the Bolsheviks had already overthrown the Provisional Government a few hours earlier. Thus, the Congress of Soviets was confronted with a fait accompli. And he made a number of decisions. Extremely necessary for Vladimir Ilyich to retain power and to disguise his true intentions.

"Resolution on the formation of a workers' and peasants' government.

The All-Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers', Soldiers' and Peasants' Deputies decides: to form a temporary workers' and peasants' government to govern the country, pending the convening of the Constituent Assembly, which will be called the Council of People's Commissars... The Chairman of the Council is Vladimir Ulyanov (Lenin)...".

The resolution has been adopted. The power changed, but it demonstrated in every possible way its “temporariness,” just like the previous one. The people patiently waited for the Constituent Assembly, the vote, and simply did not want to get involved in any political nuances of successive governments.

Another ardent fighter for people's happiness, Comrade Trotsky received the post of Minister of Foreign Affairs in Lenin's "Provisional Government". Now he could quite officially communicate with his “allied” curators. And they could be happy - the process of the collapse of Russia was now acquiring a new unprecedented speed.

To all provincial and district Soviets of workers, soldiers and peasants' deputies. All power now belongs to the Soviets. The commissioners of the Provisional Government are removed. The chairmen of the Soviets communicate directly with the revolutionary government. By resolution of the All-Russian Congress of Soviets, all arrested members of land committees are released. The commissioners who arrested them are subject to arrest."

"Resolution of the Second All-Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies, October 26, 1917.

"The All-Russian Congress of Soviets decided: The death penalty restored by Kerensky at the front is abolished. Complete freedom of agitation is restored at the front. All soldiers, revolutionary officers who are under arrest under the so-called" political crimes"will be released immediately."

What was the strength of the Russian soldier who continued to defend Russia despite neither Order N1, nor the “Declaration of the Rights of the Soldier”, that it was necessary to return to this issue again! What little Kornilov managed to do was completely destroyed. Kerensky suspended the death penalty, now Lenin abolished it altogether. Again at the front, instead of defending the Motherland, there is “complete freedom of agitation”!

The correct tactics chosen by Ilyich led to the fact that the coup was almost bloodless. It was not yet clear whether the Bolsheviks were better or worse than the temporary workers. But they shouted at every corner that “ensuring the convening of the Constituent Assembly was the goal of the October Revolution; until now it was the Cadets who prevented its convening.” One revolutionary government was replaced by another, the goals did not change - the Constituent Assembly will be convened. Why and in the name of what to fight the Bolsheviks?

Eloquent evidence of the mood that reigned among the military is the message of the newspaper "Worker and Soldier" dated October 26 (November 8):

“Yesterday, at a meeting of the regimental committees of the 1st, 4th and 14th Don Cossack regiments, a message was made about the current situation in connection with the fall of the power of the Provisional Government, and about the need in the interests of the state to calmly await the creation of a new state government. In response to this, the chairman on behalf of declared to those gathered that: 1) they will not carry out government orders, 2) in no case will they oppose the All-Russian Central Executive Committee and the Petrograd Soviet, and 3) are ready to protect state property and personal safety, as under the previous government."

Wait and do nothing. These were the same Cossack women who decided so, on whom Krasnov so hoped, approaching Petrograd with his “army” of 900 people. At that most important, turning point in Russian history. This is where all the enemies and ill-wishers of Russia should stand and loudly applaud Kerensky. This is his doing. It was he who helped the Bolsheviks agree on the neutrality of the Cossacks with his betrayal in Tashkent, and with all his vigorous activity. The Cossacks in Petrograd itself remained neutral. During the short time of his reign, Kerensky became so tired of the citizens of his country that no one rose to his defense. It was in vain that the Provisional Government sent desperate telegrams asking for help on the day of the coup. The people and the army responded with complete indifference.

The terrible apathy and indifference that struck the entire population of the country, plus the tactics cleverly invented by Ilyich, helped the Bolsheviks survive the most difficult first days and weeks. Nobody believed in the success of the Bolsheviks - they were very lucky in this. One of the Bolshevik leaders, Anatoly Lunacharsky, two days after the coup, wrote to his wife on October 27 (November 9):

“Dear Anyuta, you, of course, know all the details of the coup from the newspapers. For me it was unexpected. I, of course, knew that a struggle for Soviet power would take place, but that power would be taken on the eve of the congress - I think no one didn't know. Maybe even the Military Revolutionary Committee decided to go on the offensive suddenly, out of fear that by taking a purely defensive position, one could die and ruin the whole thing. The coup was also a surprise in terms of the ease with which it was carried out. Even enemies say: “Dashing!”…”

From the same Bunin in “Cursed Days” we read: “After the coup, Lunacharsky ran around for two weeks with his eyes wide open: no, just think, we only wanted to make a demonstration and suddenly such an unexpected success!”

No one was going to interfere with the Bolsheviks; everyone was waiting for them to collapse on their own. Open the memoirs of that time - everyone unanimously gave the Bolshevik government a maximum of two weeks of life. After which it should have collapsed by itself. To us, who know that communism lasted in Russia for almost seventy-five years, such ideas seem naive and ridiculous. One of the leaders white movement Anton Ivanovich Denikin fully agrees with this assessment: “These “two weeks” are the fruit of intellectual romanticism...” But his “Essays on Russian Troubles” were written in exile in Belgium and Hungary in 1922, that is, much later. In October 1917, “two weeks” of the existence of the new regime seemed to be a very realistic period. Many people thought so, the majority. For them, these “two weeks” were an excellent alternative to the fight against usurpers of power, a good anesthesia for their own conscience. You just have to wait and the Bolsheviks themselves will crumble into dust. You and I know that we did not fall apart, and this is Lenin’s most important merit as a leader and politician.

What better way than newspapers conveys the feeling of each specific moment in history? Let us read the periodicals of those days, Izvestia SRSD, immediately after the coup wrote: “A crazy adventure; this is not a transfer of power to the Soviets, but its seizure by the Bolsheviks; they will not be able to organize state power.” “New Life” is no less categorical in its assessments: “The Bolshevik government cannot govern Russia; it bakes “decrees” like pancakes, but they all remain on paper, their decrees are more like newspaper editorials; the Bolshevik leaders have revealed amazing ignorance in public administration". She is echoed by Rabochaya Gazeta: "Force the Bolsheviks to capitulate peacefully, isolate them and thereby win a bloodless victory over them." The same point of view flashes between the lines of the publication "Delo of the People": "The victors, after a drunken October night, begin escape from the Bolshevik ship of state. What kind of general flight will begin in two weeks? ... The dictatorship of Lenin and Trotsky must be defeated not with weapons, but by boycotting them, turning away from them.”

The leitmotif is the same - you have to wait, be patient and everything will work out. It seems like a harmless position, but it was precisely this position that helped the situation develop according to the most catastrophic scenario. The general mood of the country is that we will wait for a new government, that is, the convening of the Constituent Assembly. It will come together and decide everything at once. Karl Mannerheim will write about this strange expectation in his memoirs: “... After spending a week in Helsinki, I returned to Petrograd. There was not a hint of resistance there. On the contrary, I noticed that Soviet power was becoming more and more strengthened...”.

Some waited passively, others did nothing, “strongly protesting.” And the Bolsheviks quickly fired their freshly baked decrees at the people: about peace, about land, about workers’ control. They fulfilled their obligations: peace - for Germany, for the “allies” who longed for the collapse of Russia - the urgently published “Declaration of the Rights of the Peoples of Russia” with a fixed opportunity for everyone to free self-determination up to secession. Then more decrees came pouring in on the abolition of all courts, laws and the legal profession; nationalization of banks; introduction of universal labor conscription. For refusing to confirm by telegraph his subordination to the new government, the new head of the Foreign Ministry, Trotsky, ordered the dismissal of all Russian ambassadors in the main countries, without a pension and without the right to continue public service. Dzerzhinsky arrested officials from other departments who refused to go to work without a warrant or delay (we are not bureaucrats!). An avalanche of all these hitherto unprecedented innovations simply overwhelmed the country. The main thing was to gain time and strengthen, strengthen, strengthen. Prepare for the Constituent Assembly. More precisely - to its acceleration. Which will serve to incite a fratricidal massacre in Russia, this final chord of the destruction of the Russian Empire.

Those were still patriarchal times. Russian people have not yet learned to shed Russian blood. Therefore, immediately after the seizure of power, the Bolshevik Military Revolutionary Committee decided: “to immediately release 130 women of the women’s shock battalion arrested in the premises of the Grenadier Regiment.” The cadets captured in Zimny ​​were also, for the most part, simply released. But the peaceful Bolshevik coup did not suit the Anglo-French. The “Allies” needed a destructive war in Russia, one that would leave no stone unturned from our state. According to their plan, for the final collapse of the country, adventurers and scoundrels, i.e., the Bolsheviks, had to come to power. The crazier the ideas of the new government, the better: the collapse of the country will go even faster! The pretext for secession from Russia is wonderful - madmen have come to power in the capital, and by saving our native Azerbaijan (Ukraine, Crimea, etc.) we are creating our own state. This is on the one hand, and on the other, the new government itself publicly declared the possibility of the outskirts separating from Russia.

Thus, the century-old connection between Moscow and St. Petersburg and the outskirts of the empire was broken. The result of this was terrible. In the very first weeks of the Bolshevik government, Finland and Ukraine declared their sovereignty, Estonia, Crimea, Bessarabia, and Transcaucasia declared autonomy. Even the original Russian Cossack regions and Siberia formed not only their own governments, but, in fact, their own mini-states. In just a matter of days, thousand-year-old Russia ceased to exist

Lenin did not care at all about this. The main thing for him was to strengthen himself, gaining time. Everything that will be lost now can be returned later. But in order to survive, we must fulfill our obligations to the “allies” and the Germans. The entire first period of the formation of Soviet power represents a most ingenious process of Lenin’s maneuvering between these two forces.

In preparation for the dispersal of the Constituent Assembly, the Bolsheviks, “as promised,” led the process of preparing the elections. Under the Provisional Government, the process was controlled by a special commission. The Bolsheviks, without hesitation, put the head of the St. Petersburg Cheka, Solomon Uritsky, at the head of its future. When the members of the commission protested and refused to work, they were all simply arrested and replaced by the “Commissariat for the Constituent Assembly.”

Then Solomon Uritsky was appointed commandant of the Tauride Palace and managed to clearly and quickly organize the dispersal of the assembled parliament. After all, for those who knew Lenin, who read his works at least once, it was clear that the future of Russian parliamentarism was very sad: “Once every few years, it is decided which member of the ruling class will suppress, crush the people in parliament - that’s what real essence bourgeois parliamentarism, not only in parliamentary-constitutional monarchies, but also in the most democratic republics."

Said it suddenly and bluntly. Or again: “Democracy is formal parliamentarism, but in reality it is a continuous cruel mockery, a soulless, unbearable oppression of the bourgeoisie over the working people.”

Well, Ilyich didn’t like parliaments! But elections still had to be held. It was impossible not to do this, because all the people were waiting for this. In addition, the voting period, which did not take place on one day, and the counting of votes gave the Bolsheviks time, increasing the period during which no one bothered them. The real struggle was supposed to begin after the dispersal of the Constituent Assembly.

Let us note in passing that the Bolsheviks already had experience in dispersing deputies. A little-known fact is that on the eve of October they dispersed the Pre-Parliament, the name of which speaks for itself. Deputies of different parties practiced eloquence at this forum, without actually deciding anything, until on October 25 (November 7) the Mariinsky Palace in Petrograd was surrounded by soldiers. After which the unlucky parliamentarians hastened to go home.

And finally, the day that had been awaited for a long time came: January 5 (18), 1918, Bolshevik Ya.M. Sverdlov opened the meeting of the Constituent Assembly. Next, the election of the chairman began. The majority of 244 votes was cast for... the Socialist Revolutionary Viktor Mikhailovich Chernov. The same minister of the Provisional Government, under whom his colleagues tried not to discuss any military issues. Because they were absolutely confident in his cooperation with German intelligence. The majority of deputies wanted to see this worthy man, the head of the Socialist Revolutionaries, at the head of the Constituent Assembly. There were no more worthy figures in the bins of Russian democracy...

The dispersal of parliament looked savage in the eyes of the Russian public. Therefore, at least a more or less clear explanation for this had to be given. Ilyich tried to do this in his “Theses on the Constituent Assembly.” It turned out, frankly, unconvincing: “... the elections to the Constitutional Court took place when the overwhelming majority of the people could not yet know the full scope and significance of the October... revolution.” In the “Draft of the Decree on the Dissolution of the Constituent Assembly,” his demagoguery deepens and expands: “The people could not then, voting for the candidates of the Socialist Revolutionary Party, make a choice between the right Socialist Revolutionaries, supporters of the bourgeoisie, and the left, supporters of socialism.”

Needless to say, there is a good reason! As if by dividing the Socialist Revolutionaries in the direction of movement, the Bolsheviks themselves will have more votes! For the workers and revolutionary sailors, Lenin will present the matter this way: voters are confused in factions and parties, in various types of Socialist Revolutionaries and Social Democrats - the entire parliament must be dispersed! The same nonsense was written in Soviet history textbooks.

“In fact, the parties of the right Socialist Revolutionaries and Mensheviks are waging ... a desperate struggle against Soviet power,” Lenin further writes. But Vladimir Ilyich is disingenuous - the reasons for the dispersal of the only legitimate body of Russian power are completely different.

The fate of the Constituent Assembly was decided long before it was convened and the process began before the elections to it. The decision to dissolve it, or rather to disperse it, was made by our “allies” simultaneously with the decision to convene this body of power and was an integral part of the plan to crush Russia. It fell to Lenin to carry out this unpleasant work. On the eve of the opening, on the morning of January 5 (18), 1918, the Bolsheviks shot a peaceful demonstration that came out under the slogan “All power to the Constituent Assembly.” Then they liquidated the very center of parliamentarism, quietly taking the deputies out onto the streets. If you believe history textbooks and memoirs, it turns out that one German spy, Lenin, for some reason dispersed a gathering of people who considered another German spy, Chernov, to be the most worthy deputy. Strange, however, the footage in the German intelligence services. Left hand doesn’t know what the even more left-wing one is doing...

But eyewitnesses in their memoirs perfectly described the state of the proletarian leader. Bonch-Bruevich points out to us that at the moment of the opening of the Constituent Assembly, Lenin “was worried and was deathly pale as never before... and began to look around the entire hall with flaming eyes that had become huge.” Then Vladimir Ilyich pulled himself together, calmed down a little and “just reclined on the steps, either looking bored or laughing cheerfully.” However, when the real moment came for the dispersal of parliament, at night, Lenin suffered a severe hysterical attack. “...We almost lost him,” Bukharin will write in his memoirs.

The moment was approaching to fulfill the last part of Lenin’s agreement with the “allies” - the dispersal of the last legitimate Russian government. Vladimir Ilyich knows: if you fulfill your obligations, Western intelligence agencies will continue to deal with you. If you don’t do what you should, “special circumstances” will immediately arise, so that there won’t be a single wet spot left from the Bolsheviks and their revolution. That’s why Ilyich is experiencing this, and that’s why he’s having a nervous attack right now, and not at all on the day of the October revolution. Right now, on the night of the dispersal of the Constituent Assembly, the fate of the revolution is being decided! Only Lenin understands the importance of the moment. For everyone else, what is happening is simply the liquidation of a bunch of chatterboxes.

Alexander Fedorovich Kerensky, who provided invaluable services to his fellow countryman Ulyanov, assessed the reasons for Lenin’s haste in a unique way: “It was extremely important to wrest power from the hands of the Provisional Government before the Austro-German-Turkish-Bulgarian coalition collapsed, in other words, before the Provisional Government received opportunity to conclude an honorable peace with our allies."

Kerensky cannot speak the truth, but he wants to write memoirs, so he gives Freudian slips mixed with obvious nonsense. Read his statement again. What does Alexander Fedorovich say? The German spy Lenin must seize power before Germany, Turkey, Austria and Bulgaria lose the war. This is clear and obvious: after the defeat of the Germans in the war, the seizure of power in Russia by their agents is like a poultice for a dead man. This is clear to any sane person. But it’s worth taking a closer look at the second part of Kerensky’s saying: “It was extremely important to wrest power from the hands of the Provisional Government... before the Provisional Government had the opportunity to conclude an honorable peace together with its allies.”

Unbeknownst to himself, Alexander Fedorovich lets slip and speaks the honest truth! Just not about Lenin’s goal, but… Kerensky himself! And “allies”!

The First World War cannot be won as long as the legitimate Provisional Government is in power in Russia! This is the task of the “allied” generals and politicians. Hence the “amazing” offensives with huge losses and the silence Western Front during the second half of 1917.

Give the extremist Lenin the opportunity to “wrest” power from the Provisional Government before the end of the world war! This is the task of Kerensky and his assistants. Hence Alexander Fedorovich’s love for the game of “giveaway”.

Vladimir Ilyich Lenin has his own task:

First, have time to “overthrow” Kerensky before the elections and the Congress of Soviets;

Then hold out until the convening of the Constituent Assembly;

Then disperse it safely.

Only after this, after fulfilling all his obligations, could Lenin start a new game...

715 deputies were elected to the Constituent Assembly. Among them were about 370 Socialist Revolutionaries, 175 Bolsheviks, 40 Left Socialist Revolutionaries, 16 Mensheviks, 17 Cadets, 86 representatives national parties and organizations. These figures are known, but we must understand that Lenin would have dispersed the “constituent group” with any outcome of the vote, even with an overwhelming majority of Bolshevik deputies! He had this task, and only after its completion could Lenin and company calmly disappear from the arena of world history. This was planned by our “allies”. Lenin interrupts the legitimacy of power. In response to this, not only the outskirts, but also the original Russian regions are falling away from Russia. A civil war begins - a struggle of all against all. Of course, as a result, some government will take power into its own hands, but the country will be completely different - immeasurably weakened and reduced.

The Bolsheviks had to disappear back to where they came from - back to Europe and America, under the wing of the “allied” intelligence services. And they were going to do it. There is a lot of evidence that almost every Bolshevik leader had some kind of “Argentine” passport in his pocket with a false name. In addition, a large amount of gold, currency and jewelry was stored in Sverdlov’s sister’s apartment. On the road, so to speak. That’s why none of the Bolsheviks’ “allies” touched them - they themselves had to disappear very quickly. Immediately after acceleration. But then an event occurred that undoubtedly changed the course of world history.

Lenin realized that, having information about such terrible secrets, like “German money” and “betrayal of the Allies”, he and his comrades will not live long. They will either be handed over to the new government of Russia, which will simply hang up the fighters for the people's happiness on the first branch they come across. Or (which is more likely) they will quickly die as a result of accidents and various other “accidents” with which the illegal life of revolutionaries is so rich. The “allies” will simply remove them, covering up the traces of their monstrous betrayal. The conclusion suggested itself - we must stay in Russia. This decision was dictated by both an elementary concern for self-preservation and Lenin’s keen desire to realize his life’s work - revolution. Bringing the matter to completion was now a matter of life and death: for the Bolshevik leadership, after the dispersal of the Constituent Assembly, a possible death sentence for betrayal of the Motherland was added to another one - for an attempted coup. Two execution sentences are too much for any sane person.

The Bolsheviks needed to stay and build a new state. Restore the destroyed army, improve the economy, fight the enemies created by their policies. A decisive stage in the life of the Bolshevik Party had begun. From this moment they begin the struggle to preserve their power, their lives and their revolution. This period entered the history of our country under the name Civil War. The fratricidal massacre between Russians was also necessary for the British - for the complete destruction of Russia. British agents were actively involved in organizing it.

The Russian Empire could still be saved - for this, the “allies” should have provided assistance to Russian patriots who had entered the struggle to restore the country. But then the Bolsheviks will lose, and strong Russia will re-enter the world stage. This was what the British feared most. The policy of Her Majesty's government pursued the exact opposite goal: to finish off Russia, to destroy it! Thus, the goals of the British and French intelligence services again surprisingly coincided with the interests of the Bolsheviks. Their collaboration was just beginning. Lenin will have to fulfill the demands of British intelligence: conclude the Brest Peace Treaty, destroy royal family, sink the Russian fleet. But we will talk about all this in another book...