A n Kosygin personal life. Lenin saved the royal family from execution. There was no memorial service for the August Family

Alexey Nikolaevich Kosygin. Born on February 8 (21), 1904 in St. Petersburg - died on December 18, 1980 in Moscow. Soviet state and party leader. Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR (1964-1980). Twice Hero of Socialist Labor (1964, 1974). Member of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR (1946-80).

October 1938 - February 2, 1939: Chairman of the Executive Committee of the Leningrad City Council;

January 2, 1939 - April 17, 1940: People's Commissar of the Textile Industry of the USSR;

August 24, 1953 - February 23, 1954: Minister of Consumer Goods Industry of the USSR;

December 7, 1953 - December 25, 1956: Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR;

March 20, 1959 - May 4, 1960: Chairman of the State Planning Committee of the Council of Ministers of the USSR;

May 4, 1960 - October 15, 1964: First Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR;

Alexei Kosygin was born on February 8 (21 according to the new style) February 1904 in St. Petersburg.

Father - Nikolai Ilyich Kosygin. Mother - Matrona Alexandrovna Kosygina.

By nationality - Russian.

From the end of 1919 to March 1921, Kosygin served in the 7th Army in the 16th and 61st military field construction on the Petrograd-Murmansk section.

From 1921 to 1924, Kosygin was a student of the All-Russian food courses of the People's Commissariat for Food and studied at the Petrograd Cooperative College, after which he was sent to Novosibirsk as an instructor at the Novosibirsk Regional Union of Consumer Cooperatives.

In 1924-1926 he worked in Tyumen as an instructor in the city department of the Regional Consumer Cooperation. From 1926 to 1928 he was a member of the board, head of the organizational department of the Lena Union of Consumer Cooperatives in the city of Kirensk (now the Irkutsk region). There he was accepted as a member of the CPSU (b) in 1927.

In 1928 he returned to Novosibirsk, where he worked as the head of the planning department of the Siberian Regional Union of Consumer Cooperatives.

After returning to Leningrad in 1930, Kosygin entered the Leningrad Textile Institute, graduating in 1935. From 1936 to 1937 he worked as a foreman, and then as a shift supervisor at the factory. Zhelyabov, and from 1937 to 1938 he was the director of the Oktyabrskaya factory.

In 1938 he was appointed to the post of head of the industrial and transport department of the Leningrad Regional Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, and in the same year he was appointed to the post of chairman of the Leningrad City Executive Committee, which he held until 1939.

On March 21, 1939, at the XVIII Congress, Kosygin was elected a member of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks. In the same year he was appointed to the post of People's Commissar of the USSR textile industry, which he held until 1940. In April 1940, he was appointed Deputy Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR and Chairman of the Council for Consumer Goods under the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR.

On June 24, 1941, Kosygin was appointed deputy chairman of the Council for Evacuation under the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR. On July 11, by decision of the State Defense Committee, a special group of inspectors was created under the Council for Evacuation, headed by Kosygin. Under the control of this group, in the second half of 1941, 1,523 enterprises were completely or partially evacuated, including 1,360 large ones.

From January 19 to July 1942, Kosygin, as an authorized GKO in besieged Leningrad, carried out work to supply the civilian population of the city and troops, and also participated in the work of local Soviet and party bodies and the Military Council of the Leningrad Front. At the same time, Kosygin led the evacuation of the civilian population from the besieged city and participated in the creation of the "Road of Life", namely, in the implementation of the decree "On laying a pipeline along the bottom of Lake Ladoga."

On August 23, 1942, Kosygin was appointed authorized by the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks and the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR to ensure the procurement of local fuels, and on June 23, 1943 - Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars of the RSFSR (since March 15, 1946 - Council of Ministers of the RSFSR).

In 1945, he was appointed to the post of Chairman of the Operations Bureau of the Council of People's Commissars of the RSFSR, was involved in the work of the Special (Atomic) Committee, at the suggestion of the Director of the Radium Institute V. G. Khlopin and the First Secretary of the Leningrad Regional Committee and City Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks A. A. Kuznetsov A. N. Kosygin with an employee of the State Planning Commission N. A. Borisov, in accordance with the decision of the Special Committee, allocated additional space to the Radium Institute.

On March 19, 1946, Kosygin was appointed Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR, with the release on March 23 from the duties of Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the RSFSR. In March of the same year, he was elected a candidate member of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks.

During the famine of 1946-1947, he led the provision of food aid to the most affected areas.

From 1946 to 1947 he served as deputy chairman of the Bureau of the Council of Ministers of the USSR. On February 8, 1947, Kosygin was appointed to the post of chairman of the Bureau for Trade and Light Industry under the Council of Ministers of the USSR.

In February 1948 he was elected a member of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks. On February 16, he was appointed to the post of Minister of Finance of the USSR. On July 9, he was relieved of his duties as Chairman of the Bureau for Trade and Light Industry under the Council of Ministers, and on December 28 he was approved by the Minister of Light Industry of the USSR, whose post he held until 1953, with the release of the Minister of Finance of the USSR.

From 1948 to 1953 he was a member of the Bureau of the Council of Ministers of the USSR.

On February 7, 1949, he was appointed to the post of chairman of the Trade Bureau under the Council of Ministers of the USSR. On October 16, 1952, he was elected a candidate member of the Presidium of the Central Committee of the CPSU.

In 1951, he headed the commission that considered the issue of dissolving the FTF of Moscow State University.

IN modern Russia are wary and distrustful of economic success Soviet period, believing them not worthy of attention just because they were achieved in the conditions of the anathematized “planned economy”.

Offspring of the revolution

In honor of modern economists are the names Peter Stolypin And Yegor Gaidar. Meanwhile, the basis on which the Russian economy is based to this day was created by a completely different person, whose name, in comparison with the above two, remains in the shadows.

Alexei Nikolaevich Kosygin to this day retains several historical records. He was in the post of head of the government of the USSR for 16 years - nothing like this has ever been achieved by anyone in the entire history of Russia. And Kosygin was a member of the country's government for 42 years - also an absolutely unique case.

Alexei Kosygin belongs to a cohort of people whose brilliant career became possible only thanks to the October Revolution.

He was born on February 8 (21), 1904 in St. Petersburg, in a working class family. In 1919, a student of the Petrovsky Real School volunteered for the Red Army. A 15-year-old boy was engaged in the construction of defensive and engineering structures. In 1921, after graduating civil war, Kosygin graduated from the Petrograd cooperative technical school. After that, the young specialist was sent to Siberia through industrial cooperation.

Industrial cooperation in the system of the Soviet planned economy was a kind of oasis where entrepreneurship was not punished, but rather encouraged. It was during these years that Kosygin's ideas about how the Soviet economy should develop, ideas that later seemed to many to be too "bourgeois-capitalist", took shape.

Rise after the "Great Terror"

After graduating from the institute in 1935, Kosygin's career is rapidly going uphill: in a little over two years he has gone from master to director of the Oktyabrskaya textile factory.

Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR Alexei Kosygin at Vnukovo airport during his departure from Moscow to Iran, 1968. Photo: RIA Novosti / Lev Ivanov

The factory director Kosygin very quickly began to be called exemplary, and in 1938 he himself became chairman of the executive committee of the Leningrad Council of Workers, Peasants and Red Army Deputies. In fact, the entire economic activity of the huge city falls on the shoulders of the 34-year-old Kosygin. With a new position, the young official copes with "excellent".

However, he did not remain in this position for long. In 1939, Kosygin was appointed to the post of people's commissar of the textile industry of the USSR.

The impetuous career of Kosygin was also caused by the fact that the "great terror" of 1937-1938 wiped out a significant part of Soviet managers. In their place came young business executives, devoid of political ambitions, but who knew perfectly well the area of activity entrusted to them.

Aleksey Kosygin, both by origin, and by professional skills, and by character, corresponded to the ideas Stalin about the ideal Soviet business executive.

That is why he was entrusted with the most difficult areas of work in subsequent years.

Stalin's favorite

In June 1941, Kosygin was appointed deputy chairman of the Evacuation Council under the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR. It was he, at the head of a group of inspectors, who managed the evacuation of more than 1,500 enterprises to the East of the country.

In January 1942, Kosygin was entrusted with a task no less difficult - he was supplying the dying Leningrad, participating in the creation of the "Road of Life".

He appeared in the most difficult places, personally solved problems, organized the coordinated work of all services.

At the height of the war, in 1943, Kosygin headed the Council of People's Commissars of the RSFSR, which was a clear indication that the top Soviet leaders increasingly trusted him.

In March 1946, Alexei Kosygin was appointed Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR, and after this, a candidate member of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks.

Stalin openly favors him, not hiding that he sees in him the future head of the Soviet government. That is why the Leningrader Kosygin escaped the repressions associated with the so-called "Leningrad case".

However, the “change of elites” planned by the leader was prevented by Stalin from carrying out death. The "old guard" of Stalin hastily began to push the young growth away from the levers of power. But even here Kosygin suffered less than others. Dislike for political intrigues affected in his favor - Kosygin was not removed from the government at all, but was sent to manage the production of consumer goods. The state elite treated this industry with disdain, but Kosygin approached the matter thoughtfully and seriously.

Alexei Kosygin speaks at the XXV Congress of the CPSU in the Kremlin Palace of Congresses with a report on the "Main Directions for the Development of the National Economy of the USSR for 1976-1980", 1976. Photo: RIA Novosti / Yuri Abramochkin

To this day, legends tell about Kosygin's approach to business. The minister, who himself quit smoking immediately after the war, once hosted a newly built tobacco factory in Georgia. Kosygin suddenly asked the factory director for a cigarette. The director respectfully handed the distinguished guest a pack of American cigarettes, which he smoked himself. Kosygin carefully looked at the director, turned around and left. It became clear to him that the factory did not meet high requirements, and its director was clearly in his post by mistake.

Soon Nikita Khrushchev I realized that a manager of the Kosygin level is needed to solve complex problems. He was again promoted, and in 1960 Kosygin became the 1st Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR.

He was raised to the top of state power by a "palace coup" in October 1964, when Nikita Khrushchev was removed from power.

After that, one of the most successful tandems appeared in the Soviet Union: Leonid Brezhnev in the role of General Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU and Alexei Kosygin as head of government.

Relations between them were not too close and friendly, but Brezhnev did not question Kosygin's managerial abilities.

Leonid Brezhnev and Alexei Kosygin on the podium of the Lenin Mausoleum on May 1, 1980. Photo: RIA Novosti / Yuri Abramochkin

Reform that did not continue

Kosygin, who began his activity in the industrial cooperative, considered it necessary to reform the Soviet economy, making it freer to take the initiative. The "Kosygin reform" was perhaps the most successful in the 20th century. The expansion of the independence of enterprises, the possibilities of material incentives for labor, the decentralization of planning have led to stunning results. The "Eighth Five-Year Plan" of 1966-1970 proved to be the most successful in Soviet history, receiving the epithet "golden". It was Kosygin who managed to establish mass production of consumer goods, thereby for the first time shifting the focus from the military theme of production.

Monument to Alexei Kosygin on Kosygin Street. Photo: RIA Novosti / Sergey Subbotin

All this was not easy. The growth in the welfare of citizens turned out to be higher than the growth in the production of consumer goods, which gave rise to such a phenomenon as a shortage. In addition, many in the Soviet leadership considered Kosygin's reforms almost a departure from "Leninist principles", and this largely influenced the fact that many of the initiatives of the head of government did not receive further development.

In 1976, Kosygin, who had been fond of rowing all his life and was always in excellent sports shape, suffered a heart attack, which seriously affected his performance. Together with the forces, the influence that he could still have on the processes taking place in the country also left.

In 1980, Kosygin's health seriously deteriorated, and in October his party comrades urged him to write a letter of resignation.

The head of government was aware that in the aging Soviet Politburo, he was not the only one suffering from a serious illness. Nevertheless, having soberly assessed his condition, Kosygin resigned.

Relatives said that last days he was worried about the prospects for the Soviet economy. A wise manager foresaw that without further changes, the country risks falling into an economic abyss. Unfortunately, no one could adequately take the baton from Kosygin and competently respond to emerging threats.

Alexei Nikolaevich Kosygin died on December 18, 1980. The head of the government of the USSR was buried in the Kremlin wall.

The name of Alexei Nikolayevich Kosygin is not usually associated with St. Petersburg for us. Rather, with that whole faceless country called the USSR, in which Leningrad became a city with a regional destiny. And yet it must be admitted that the head of the Soviet government in 1965-80. - our countryman. The roots of his career are hidden in that blood-soaked land of Leningrad in 1937, which received the bodies of thousands of repressed.

man from myth

Every major political figure of the past is preserved in human memory by a kind of myth. From the real picture of past years, the quintessence of what society would like to remember about this person stands out. But sometimes life gives rise to two or three myths about one hero at once. This usually happens when a society is divided and each part of it seeks to legitimize its own vision of history.

For some, Peter I was a reformer tsar, for others - the Antichrist, for others - the first Bolshevik. Nicholas II remained in people's memory both as a holy martyr, and as a crowned loser, and as Nicholas the bloody.

Among the figures of the era of stagnation, stretching between the Khrushchev thaw and Gorbachev's perestroika, only two have more than one myth in their historical arsenal. This is Yuri Andropov and Alexei Kosygin.

For Andropov - a figure drawn in black and white - the contrast between his own myths is extremely great: he is both a cruel executioner-KGBist and a great reformer - an alternative to the unlucky Gorbachev.

As for Kosygin, his "bright myth" grows against some kind of gray background. Aleksey Nikolaevich was not the hero of numerous jokes, was not listed as a first-rate adversary, and was generally hardly remembered by an ordinary Soviet man just a few years after his death. But on the other hand, in the intellectual community for some time it was considered fashionable to mention the Kosygin reform - the most modest and inconspicuous among all the reforms in the history of Russia.

In the 60s. Kosygin was a real person for the country, who received Khrushchev's complex economic legacy and was trying to deal with this legacy in some way.

In the 1970s, he already became a kind of abstract figure, hardly distinguishable among the old people with stone faces who lined up on the mausoleum podium on holidays.

In the 80s, when his body no longer left the vicinity of the mausoleum either on weekdays or even at night, Kosygin suddenly became a great reformer and an honest, modest worker. They began to oppose him to the unprincipled hedonist Brezhnev, blinkered ideologist Suslov, faceless puppets Tikhonov and Chernenko. They tried to turn the gray image of the late partocrat into the image of a technocrat and, in the spirit of the new era, to bloom with at least some colors.

In addition to the reformist appearance, Kosygin also began to acquire a human appearance. They remembered that in the blockade of 1942, he not only organized the work of the Road of Life, but also saved a barely alive baby. They remembered how he loved his wife and how he yearned for the only woman in his life after her death. They remembered how, already being prime minister, he visited his native Leningrad institute and hugged with fellow students, despite their regalia.

There was really a lot of simple, human things in Kosygin. That which characterized the people of his generation. He adored not only power, but also jazz. He walked not only along the Kremlin corridors, but also along the mountain paths. He even undermined his health by capsizing in a kayak and falling into the icy water.

Kosygin was not as pompous as the authorities he represented, and therefore they even tried to try on the famous Goethe's "but two souls live in me, and both are at odds with each other."

And yet, the real Kosygin was hard to succumb to posthumous perturbations. There was no zest in it, allowing the birth of the myth of the hero, there was not a single one that was attractive to a person of the 80s. traits. It all came out of the Soviet past, and therefore was rejected by the consciousness, tired of the endless gray everyday life of developed socialism.

The heroes of the reforms were retroactively knocked out kings, or at least counts. The son of a St. Petersburg turner had nothing to do in this elite company.

Born to be a cashier in a quiet bath...

Kosygin really was born in the family of a worker-turner in 1904. The boy entered adulthood after October, and this, admittedly, became a favorable factor in his future career. Kosygin did not have to choose a political orientation. He immediately set off on the right course.

In 1919, when hostile whirlwinds blew over his native St. Petersburg, Alexei went to the Red Army (the official biography notes that he was a volunteer). However, the "fifteen-year-old captain" did not have to fight. For a couple of years he trumpeted in the labor army, and with the end of the Civil War, he was demobilized and entered the St. Petersburg cooperative technical school, from which he graduated in 1924.

And here, perhaps, again he was lucky. He went to work in Siberia in the system of consumer cooperation, where he wandered around the villages, buying food from the peasants, and in free time wrote articles for a local leaflet, agitating the people to save money on the celebration of Shrove Tuesday and invest in a peasant loan. There, in Siberia, three years later Kosygin became a communist.

It seems that becoming a communist in Siberia was much better than in Leningrad, where the Zinoviev opposition first formed, and then a circle of associates of Sergei Kirov, this strange friend-foe of the great leader, was formed. Subsequently, any party member who lived an active political life in St. Petersburg in the 1920s could a priori be under suspicion. Kosygin turned out to be clean.

He returned to the banks of the Neva in 1930. At that time, the political course became clear again and it was difficult to make a mistake in choosing.

Thus, by the time when many vacancies appeared in the Soviet leadership, Kosygin had a simply perfect biography. Working background, service in the Red Army and obvious non-participation in all possible deviations and revisionisms. However, the benefits of non-participation came to light later. By the beginning of the 30s. Kosygin clearly looked like a loser.

For six years he stuck in the wilderness and did not move a single step. In the 27th year of his life, Kosygin, who had only a technical school behind him, became an ordinary student of the Leningrad Textile Institute ("rags", as Leningrad students later called this university).

This man was clearly not born a passionary. While the young promoters of the revolution were commanding regiments, the son of a St. Petersburg turner missed every opportunity to make a career.

But soon the young heroes began to go in trains to places not so remote. It was necessary to select someone for their posts. In fact, the question arose of the complete replacement of all personnel born by the revolution. And then happiness smiled at Kosygin.

In 1935, he finally received higher education and became a foreman in a textile factory. Then he rose to the head of the shop. But then 1937 came - the year of the great turning point in human destinies - and Kosygin's life changed dramatically. A man "born to be a cashier in a quiet bathhouse or an agent for the preparation of sleepers" (to put it in the words of Sasha Cherny), in a few years made a phenomenal career, even by Soviet standards of that time.

Year of the great break

In 1937, yesterday's student was already the director of a weaving factory. However, there is nothing to be surprised about here. After all, this factory is not the Kirov Plant.

On the next year Kosygin becomes the head of the industrial and transport department of the Leningrad regional committee of the CPSU (b). Now this is serious. In the modern regional hierarchy, such a position is equivalent to the position of the head of one of the leading committees of the city administration.

However, the most surprising thing is that even in this post, which requires great economic experience, Kosygin does not stay long. In the same 1938, he became the chairman of the Leningrad City Executive Committee, i.e. in fact, the second or third person in Leningrad. But that's not all.

Stalin's renewal of personnel affected, of course, not only Leningrad, but also Moscow. Vacancies quickly appeared in the Soviet government itself. From January 1939, Kosygin moved to Moscow to the post of People's Commissar of the textile industry. A year later, he, remaining People's Commissar, received the rank of Deputy Prime Minister.

It took the same amount of time to go from student to deputy prime minister as it took to go from the first year of the institute to the last. By the pace of this career, one can easily imagine the scale of the repressions that swept through the direct avenues of the former capital. On the banks of the Neva, not only the pre-revolutionary elite, but even the one that was generated by October, turned out to be rooted out.

Kosygin did not seem to take direct part in the repressions. None of his positions required him to do so. Although he perfectly understood what was happening in the country and why those commanding chairs were vacated, in which he was transplanted, without having time to really look around at his previous workplace.

It would be foolish to blame Kosygin for a quick career built on the bones of his predecessors. He was taught that way, and he was clearly not the first student.

Something else is more important. A man with the horizons of a Soviet student, in the absence of any serious economic experience, quickly entered the group of people who determine the economic life of the country.

It is impossible to create a myth about his administrative successes, even in hindsight, since Kosygin jumped from position to position so quickly that during this time not a single genius of management could achieve any significant results in management.

The generation of 1937, regardless of whether its representatives were considered criminals or simply witnesses to crimes, was a generation of dilettantes. The military events of the summer of 1941 clearly demonstrated this in relation to the generals. But in the economic sphere, things were similar: just the smoke of battles temporarily obscured from observers what was happening at the enterprises.

The war determined the next direction of Kosygin's work - the evacuation of enterprises and the organization of their work in a new place, in the rear. He spent the first half of 1942 in besieged Leningrad, then returned to the capital again.

But despite the fact that, according to available estimates, Kosygin successfully sp

coping with the affairs of the evacuation, his career growth after a phenomenal pre-war take-off suddenly stalled. Alexey Nikolaevich actually marked time until the end of the 50s, when he suddenly became the head of the State Planning Commission. Kosygin then briefly became the Minister of Finance (this is with his “rag” education!), Then again he went into specifics - to raise light and food industry. He either lost the rank of Deputy Prime Minister, then regained it, then entered the Politburo, then flew out of it.

All these shifts horizontally, vertically and diagonally require additional explanation, which will most likely stem from an analysis of the apparatus struggle in the Stalinist and post-Stalinist leadership.

innocent survivor

In Kosygin's career, interest is not only in the background against which a phenomenal take-off took place, but also in specific mechanisms of movement. Most likely, the main locomotive that pulled him up was Andrei Zhdanov, who after the death of Kirov headed the Leningrad regional and city committees of the party, and also sharply strengthened his position directly in the capital. However, it is not possible to fully attribute Kosygin to the Zhdanov group.

Almost all Zhdanov's nominees were repressed in the famous Leningrad case. A striking example of what Kosygin, in principle, should have expected is the fate of another Leningrader, Nikolai Voznesensky, who quickly advanced to the leadership of the Soviet economic system. He was only a year older than our hero and moved up in an extremely similar way until he lost his head.

Kosygin at the turn of the 40-50s. survived and did not even lose their positions. How can this be explained?

The easiest way is by the personal friendliness of the leader, who, for some reason unknown to us, fell in love with the minister of his light industry and brought him out from under the blow of the punitive authorities. According to some reports, for some time Stalin even saw Kosygin as the future head of government.

Another explanation may boil down to the fact that the recent St. Petersburg lad, having honed himself in the corridors of power and becoming, despite the “light industry” entrusted to his care, a political heavyweight, began to play not only for Zhdanov, but also for someone else.

Be that as it may, "innocently survived", although he belonged to the number of Leningraders so unloved then, Kosygin in the early 50s. obviously lost the opportunity for career growth, and with the death of the leader, he also found himself surrounded by rival "successors" who strove to grab each other's throats.

However, over time, the extra throats were gnawed, and quietly waiting for the troubles of the turbulent 50s. Kosygin again began his ascent to the heights of power. In the fight against Molotov, Malenkov and Kaganovich, our hero made the right bet and began to be listed as Khrushchev's man.

Since 1960, Kosygin has been the first deputy head of the Soviet government (Khrushchev) and a member of the Presidium of the Central Committee. De facto, it is he who is in charge of the national economy at this moment. Kosygin already calls himself the chief engineer of the country. To the highest power he is only a step away.

This step was taken in October 1964, when a group of conspirators forced Khrushchev to resign and then divided the remaining top posts among themselves. Kosygin deservedly got the post Soviet premier. And to whom, in fact, could it have been handed over at that moment? "Others" were no more, and "those" were far away.

In addition, Kosygin, as the subsequent course of events showed, turned out to be a very convenient prime minister for his associates. In fact, it was from 1964 that the degradation of the post began, which Lenin, Stalin, and Khrushchev once held. The head of the government now turned out to be only the head of the economic bloc. This state of affairs persisted until the very moment of the collapse of the USSR and was completely taken over by the new Russian state.

Kosygin did not pull himself up to the level of his post, but, on the contrary, allowed the post to be reduced to the level of his own personality. The prime minister gave the secretary general control over the party, and with it the main levers of power. This, however, in itself looked logical and could even be regarded as a movement towards Western political standards.

Something else is more important. Starting with Kosygin, the head of government no longer controlled either international affairs, or the army, or the police, or state security. The structures that were formally part of the government were actually closed to the secretary general, and later to the president.

In 1966, Kosygin still managed to take part in international affairs, resolving the Indo-Pakistani incident at the talks in Tashkent. But in the future, historical incidents of various kinds were already resolved without his participation. Kosygin got his chance to go down in history in connection with the need to reform the economy. But the Prime Minister did not really manage to use it.

Acme bureaucrat

The young Stalinist People's Commissar, who showed great hopes in the apparatus before the war, came to the leadership of the government at an age when ordinary Soviet citizens were retiring. The 60-year-old prime minister, who never received serious economic knowledge, but for a quarter of a century had been trained in various positions in the system of planned, sectoral and financial management, was hardly well prepared for reformism.

When a major Western politician who spoke with Kosygin was asked to evaluate his potential, he remarked that the prime minister looked like a more reasonable person than other Soviet leaders. But when asked if he was ready to take someone like Kosygin into his apparatus, the politician noted that he would not go so far.

And yet, Moscow could not ignore the reforms in the mid-60s. The activities of the Soviet leadership at that time were determined by two important objective trends, which determined what is commonly called the Kosygin reform.

First, literally immediately after the death of Stalin and the liquidation of Beria, the idea of the need to reduce the role of heavy industry, which was devouring almost all domestic resources, in favor of the production of consumer goods, began to dominate in the Soviet leadership. Kosygin accepted this idea not only because he was inclined to vacillate along with the general line of the party, but also because he himself was connected precisely with the light and food industries.

Secondly, in the first half of the 60s. socialist countries of Eastern Europe actively searched for opportunities to expand the economic independence of enterprises and the use of market principles. Serious reform actions have already been taken in Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia, while Hungary has come close to the beginning of the reforms. Naturally, the Soviet leadership could not ignore the experience of its neighbors and was inclined to try out promising methods for increasing production efficiency, the essence of which, however, was poorly understood.

It is hardly fair to think that the Soviet reform was driven by Kosygin alone, painfully overcoming the resistance of the partocrats. He really understood economics more than the vast majority of the members of the Central Committee and the Politburo, but on the whole, the mood to somehow make life easier for the people dominated throughout the post-Stalin period.

Partocrats and bureaucrats who led Soviet Union, were, with a few exceptions, normal, although poorly educated and highly corrupted by the authorities. In their own way, they wished the country well, did not crave excess blood, and did not cling strongly to old dogmas. The only thing they could not allow was the collapse of the existing system of power. Without this system, in their opinion, the USSR would inevitably plunge into an abyss of chaos.

The essence of the Kosygin reform was reduced to some (very insignificant) expansion of the economic independence of enterprises. It was assumed that the state, allowing business executives to keep part of the money they earned at their disposal, would receive in return an increase in labor productivity, an increase in quality and an increase in output, especially that which is necessary to increase standard of living population.

At the same time, the state refused not only the liberalization of pricing, which became a stumbling block for many reformers from Eastern Europe, but even the elimination of the central planning system. The Kosygin reform was incomparably more timid than the transformations that Tito, Dubcek and Kadar allowed themselves.

As, say, the example of Hungary showed, a half-hearted reform created new problems in the economy and thus stimulated another reform. And so it went until a full-fledged market arose.

In our country, events developed differently. The Prague Spring of 1968 showed that economic reform could lead to political destabilization. Therefore, the reaction to the events in Czechoslovakia was not only the introduction of troops into this country, but also any cessation of attempts to reform in the Soviet Union.

It is difficult to say how Kosygin survived this. According to some reports, he was very nervous. But after all, any official who was not allowed to turn around to the fullest is very nervous.

In terms of apparatus, Kosygin survived the end of the Kosygin reform very calmly. He headed the government until 1980 and did not show any signs of disagreement with the Secretary General. Maybe he humbled his pride for the sake of maintaining his position. But something else is more likely. Kosygin, like the entire Soviet leadership, came to the conclusion that it was simply necessary to look for other ways to develop production.

It is characteristic that when the reform was curtailed, no one abandoned their intentions to improve the life of the people. Even during Kosygin's lifetime, an absurd attempt was made to improve administrative management by modifying the system of planned indicators. And after his death, various programs were adopted to improve food supply, develop engineering, and ensure the intensification of production.

The programs helped the economy like a dead poultice, but the authorities of people who came from workers and peasants sincerely believed that the search for optimal ways of development, begun under Kosygin, continues. Kosygin himself, as eyewitnesses testified, before his death was very worried about the fate of the next five-year plan, not knowing whether heirs who did not have such great economic experience would cope with it.

Was the Prime Minister of the USSR Alexei Kosygin the son of ... the last Russian Tsar?
Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR Kosygin A.N., 1980. Photo by Viktor Koshevoy and Alexei Stuzhin /TASS Newsreel/

Such a sensation is now roaming the web

It is reprinted in newspapers. I recently saw with my own eyes how smart experts and historians compared the auricles of the late Soviet Prime Minister Alexei Nikolayevich and the innocently murdered Tsarevich Alexei, son of Nicholas II, in photographs on a reputable TV channel. And they delivered a verdict: one and the same person! At the same time, they explained why in 1942 Kosygin, authorized by the State Defense Committee, quickly organized the legendary “Road of Life” with the mainland along the frozen Ladoga in besieged Leningrad. Young Alex many times he walked along Ladoga on the royal yacht Shtandart and knew the surroundings of the lake well. Ironclad proof!
Several serious people sent me, an old conspiracy theorist, links to the sensation. Is it really true? Dig up Kosygin's biography, journalist! By the way, one of the questioners is a doctor of philosophical sciences, the other is a doctor of jurisprudence. What can we say about scientifically undegree citizens, especially modern youth, victims of the Unified State Examination ...
YouTube videos about the miraculous rescue of the royal family, the transformation of the crown prince into the prime minister of the USSR are also popular.
STALIN and NICHOLAS II - BROTHERS!
The primary source of the replicated sensation is an article by historian Sergei Zhelenkov “The Royal Family: real life after an imaginary execution” in the newspaper “President”. “Such a newspaper, associated with you know who, will not stoop to lies!” - commentators write.
According to this historian, the execution in the Ipatiev House on the night of July 16-17, 1918 was staged. Although the Rothschilds removed Her Legitimate Sovereign from governing the country, sentenced to death, he and his household managed to escape. How? There was a factory not far from the Ipatiev House. In 1905, the owner dug an underground passage to it in case of capture by the revolutionaries. During the destruction of the house by Yeltsin, after the decision of the Politburo, the bulldozer fell into a tunnel, which no one knew about. Thanks to Stalin and intelligence officers of the General Staff, the Royal Family was taken out through this secret passage with the blessing of Metropolitan Macarius.
In the KGB of the USSR, on the basis of the 2nd Main Directorate, there was a whole special department that monitored all the movements of the Royal Family and their descendants, the historian claims. And he shares secret KGB data.
Daughters Olga (under the name Natalia) and Tatyana lived in the Diveevsky monastery under the guise of nuns and sang on the kliros of the Trinity Church. Later Tatiana moved to Krasnodar region, got married. She was buried on 09/21/1992 in the village of Solenoy, Mostovsky district. Olga left for Afghanistan through Uzbekistan with the emir of Bukhara, Seyid Alim-Khan. From there - to Finland to Vyrubova. Since 1956, she lived in Vyritsa under the name of Natalia Mikhailovna Evstigneeva, where she rested in Bose on January 16, 1976.
Maria and Anastasia were in the Glinskaya Hermitage for some time. Then Anastasia moved to the Volgograd (Stalingrad) region, got married. The husband died during the defense of Stalingrad. Buried at st. Panfilovo 06/27/1980 Maria moved to the Nizhny Novgorod region to the village of Arefino, where she was buried on 05/27/1954.
Tsarevich Alexei, as you already know, became the Soviet prime minister. Stalin promoted him, more than once saved him from troubles, death, affectionately called him "Kosyga", sometimes - Tsarevich. The ashes of the Tsesarevich have been resting in the Kremlin wall since December 24, 1980!
Until 1927, Tsarina Alexandra Feodorovna was at the Tsar's Dacha (Vvedensky Skete of Seraphim of the Ponetaevsky Monastery in the Nizhny Novgorod Region). She visited Kyiv, Moscow, St. Petersburg, Sukhumi. She met with Stalin, who told her: “Live in peace in the city of Starobelsk, but you don’t need to interfere in politics.” And until her death in 1948, the Empress lived in the city of Starobelsk, Luhansk region.
As you can see, everything is recorded by Zhelenkov.
And what happened to the king-father? Don't worry, he was fine too. Stalin built a dacha in Sukhumi next to the dacha of the Royal Family and came there to meet with the Emperor and his cousin Nicholas II. Yes, yes, do not be surprised, the citizens are good. What did you think, just like that, Stalin pulled out in the summer of 1918 royal family from the clutches of the almighty Rothschilds? Native blood! That's why he patronized Kosygin. Nephew, after all. By the way, Stalin, together with Nikolai, graduated from the Academy of the General Staff, was an employee of military counterintelligence, specially introduced by it to the Bolsheviks.
In the form of an officer, Nicholas II visited the Kremlin with his brother - the "red emperor". Survived him by 5 years. He was buried in Nizhny Novgorod at the Krasnaya Etna cemetery on 12/26/1958. make sure. The transfer of His relics is yet to be done at the federal level.”
So Zhelenkov completes the article in the newspaper "President".
SECRET HISTORIAN
I was shocked by what I read. I have been working in the central press for 30 years, but I have never held such a newspaper in my hands, I have never even heard of it. It can be seen, because the top is not allowed. Although I saw Putin himself live, and I even had a chance to drink beer with Yeltsin. The newspaper, by the way, was registered “on the basis of the Presidential Administration in 1993.” However, then, in the troubled 90s, everything could be registered.
I had never heard before about the historian Zhelenkov, although I have been dealing with deeds and legends of bygone years for more than one year. I began to rummage through the all-knowing and all-seeing Internet. What scientific degrees does he have, titles, books, articles, where does he work, teach? Strange, no data! Only in another newspaper did his next sensational article that the Rothschilds and the Rockefellers founded the FRS on Romanov gold was preceded by avaricious information: “the historian of the royal family, who has been delving into closed and open archives for more than a quarter of a century, meets with the descendants of those people – at the beginning of the 20th century, they found themselves in the thick of things.” Some highly classified specialist! In his other sensational videos (there are more than a dozen of them on the Web!) there is not even a surname in the announcement: “Sergey Ivanovich is a historian of the royal family.”
I am carefully re-reading the article on the alleged execution in the Ipatiev House on the President's website. I see numerous links. Well, I think, now I’ll press it and strictly secret documents will open, dug up by the mysterious Sergei Ivanovich, which do not fit into the official version of the recent Russian history. There is no documentary evidence in the article itself (as well as in videos on YouTube). Just words, words, words. And dates.
ORGANISMIC FANTASY
No matter how. Links lead to ... the works of the editor-in-chief of the "President" Tyunyaev in the genre of cyber-punk, philosophical fantasy, futurology, mysticism. And ... organisms! Haven't heard of this one? Well, how! A new fundamental science created by Tyunyaev, president of the Academy of Fundamental Sciences. Here are the titles of his fundamental works: "The Battle for the World Throne (The Gospel of Yarila)", "Tales from the Library of Ivan the Terrible", "Transformation", a documentary-fiction epic novel "Moon somersault." One of the main characters of "Tumbling" is the same Andrei Nikolaevich Kosygin. Judging by the table of contents, the novel traces his path from the Petrograd cooperative technical school to the heights Soviet power. Only here the future prime minister appears ... a mishandled Cossack of the same sinister Rothschilds. Say, they, and not Stalin at all, promoted him in the service. A couple of pages were enough for me. He broke down on an episode, as back in 1925, with the help of the West, Kosygin, unnoticed by the revolutionary masses, became a dollar millionaire by organizing the Soviet-British enterprise LenaGoldfields - Lena's Golden Fields. Then the Chekists took Lena Goldfields under control. Heads rolled. However, the long arm of the Rothschilds transferred their valuable agent to the swamps of Leningrad, where many ghouls were saved. Pure fantasy. I'm not a fan of this genre.
A thought flashed through: maybe Tyunyaev and Zhelenkov are the same person? Painfully, the article about the alleged execution in the Ipatiev House, other speeches by the unknown "Sergei Ivanovich" look like fantasy. I compared the photo of the editor-in-chief of the "President" (he is also the president of the Academy of Fundamental Sciences) with the hero of sensational commercials. No, they are completely different people. They just work in the same genre.
Just in case, I call a respected historian who has degrees, titles, a department at the university, science Center, numerous books, articles: “How do you like the sensation that Kosygin is the prince saved by Stalin?” - “Complete nonsense, I don’t even want to comment.” - “Have you heard anything about Zhelenkov’s colleague? There is no information about him on the Internet.
“After reading his article about the gold of the Romanovs, I asked the editorial office for the phone number of a “colleague”. 5 minutes of conversation was enough to understand that the person is clearly inadequate. I threw away the number,” the well-known historian ended the conversation, anticipating my request for a telephone. And he asked not to give his last name.
But the people, judging by the reposts, views, believe in a wonderful fairy tale about the salvation of the Romanovs.
However, after thinking a little, I realized: Zhelenkov and the newspaper "President" only brought to the point of absurdity what has repeatedly appeared in our country and in the West.
"MEET THE KING! NICHOLAS III" There was, it turns out, such an autocrat in Russia. Recently. He told me about him
retired Major General FSO Boris Ratnikov, in the 90s - first deputy. Korzhakov, head of the Main Security Directorate of the Russian Federation.
"Simple Soviet officer, captain of the third rank Nikolai Dalsky in 1993 suddenly declared himself the son of Tsarevich Alexei. Father, they say, was taken out of the Ipatiev House on the eve of the execution to Suzdal (hence the surname Suz-Dalsky), brought up in an Orthodox family. The Tsarevich grew up under a false name, got married, recovered from hemophilia, defended his dissertation, fought at the front as an officer and died in Saratov in 1956. In 1942, his son Nikolai, the grandson of Nicholas II, was born. The "grandson" immediately found fans, supporters, patrons, including the vice speaker of the State Duma. Times were troubled, the monarchist idea was gaining popularity. The Academy of Sciences allocated Romanov-Dalsky an office space and turned to Korzhakov with a request to help the "heir to the throne." Korzhakov asked me to thoroughly understand what and how. With Colonel V. Ivanov, head of the department of personal security of the presidential guard, we went to "an audience with the heir." On Pyatnitskaya street. It was (General Ratnikov opened his old diary) July 27, 1994. Out of officer habit, I took notes of the circumstances of the meeting. Romanov-Dalsky received us in a naval uniform, with a dagger, orders, monograms. Immediately began to draw fantastic perspectives. Like, dedicated by the Order of Malta to the masters, has the support of the Vatican, the Pope himself, the Hasidim, the Queen of England, influential people of the West. The same Clinton does not object to the restoration of borders Russian Empire within 17 years. He himself wants to save the Fatherland from a social explosion, and Yeltsin from the people's court for the shooting of the White House. To do this, he will declare Boris Nikolayevich the Grand Duke, create a Union of officers loyal to the Crown and the President. It will help to return to the Fatherland 500 tons of gold, 5 billion dollars, grandfather's jewelry stored in Western banks. Knows the location of three large treasures, including Kolchak's gold. Etc.
- Clearly inadequate person!
- Just very appropriate. In return, he asked Yeltsin for a good residence, the Kremlin guards. And money. Since he does not yet have access to the royal inheritance, he is very short of money.
- And you?
- He asked for concrete evidence of belonging to the Romanov family. He replied that all the documents are stored in one of the Western banks, but there is no time to go there. We must save the Fatherland. I suggested a simpler option - a genetic examination. In Japan, there is a bloody handkerchief of Nicholas II after an unsuccessful assassination attempt on a policeman. We'll take your blood and analyze it. "Romanov" shied away. And at the exit, the secretary of the “heir to the throne” wailed, they say, what kind of expertise ?! He is the flag of the monarchy, it is necessary to rally the people around him, to save Russia! I reported to Korzhakov about the "audience", closed the issue with the impostor.
Later, Romanov-Dalsky declared himself Emperor Nicholas III, self-crowned in Noginsk, near Moscow, with the participation of self-styled "bishops" of the schismatic Kiev Patriarchate. He died in 2001 from a brain tumor.
100th Anniversary "Princess ANASTASIA", HEIR OF TRILLIONS
This fantastic story was seriously promoted in the 1990s by the Rossiya newspaper, which is close to the State Duma. Allegedly, the German emperor Wilhelm saved the royal family by threatening Lenin to take Moscow and Petrograd. Nicholas II and Anastasia remained hostages of the Bolsheviks and lived in Abkhazia. The rest of the family moved to the West. The tsar worked as an agronomist in the vineyard under the name of Sergei Davydovich Berezkin, died in 1957. More precisely, he was poisoned by the British. So that the royal gold in Western banks goes to the British queen. The newspaper even published a photo of the Tsar-Berezkin with ... Beria! Later, Gryannik, a Rigan, who launched this story, took Anastasia herself from Abkhazia to Moscow. With the help of the GRU, avoiding insidious Georgian ambushes in the mountains. A certain old woman N. P. Bilikhodze. The International Public Charitable Christian Foundation of Grand Duchess Anastasia Romanova was created, which included her savior Gryannik and adviser to the speaker of the State Duma Dergausov, former secretary of the Komsomol Central Committee. The Fund appealed to Yeltsin with a request to recognize the old woman as Anastasia, but the president was silent. In May 2002, the Rossiya newspaper published an appeal by the Fund's management to the new president, V.V. Putin.
“... In many predictions, 2002 is indicated as the year of the beginning of the Revival of the new Russia with the funds of the Russian Empire. According to our information, a number of banks in Europe, the USA and Japan have funds belonging to the royal family and the Russian state. Among them are the banks of the Rothschilds, Morgans, Rockefellers, who formed the US Federal Reserve System in 1913, including with this money (according to a preliminary estimate of 50% of all Fed assets at the time of its formation). Cash is estimated at about 2 trillion. US$. We have worked and continue to work with these banks in order to return funds to Russia through a legitimate person - A.N. Romanov….”
What did Gryannik and Dergausov ask Putin? Head the Board of Trustees of the Foundation, issue documents to Bilikhodze in the name of A. N. Romanova, allocate a state dacha with appropriate life support and security conditions under the supervision of her proxies, meet “Anastasia” himself, give her 10-15 minutes to speak in the State Duma. And, of course, to help return trillions of dollars to Russia.
It must be assumed that part of the trillions would have gone to the guardians of Anastasia.
Putin did not answer, despite the dizzying prospect of getting trillions!
At that time, the real Anastasia would have turned 101 years old.
What happened to old Bilikhodze? According to one version, the guardians hid her in Germany from the treacherous British, who did not want to return trillions. According to another, she died back in December 2000 at the Central Clinical Hospital, where she was placed at the request of the State Duma.
PARENTED THROUGH PRZHEVALSKY
Apparently, it was the legend of Gryannik that he took as the basis of his " scientific research»Secret "historian" Sergey Ivanovich. And creatively redesigned. The same myth about royal gold, which became the basis of the US Federal Reserve.
His "sensation" about the relationship between Stalin and Nicholas II was also not born out of nowhere. Also in Soviet times there were persistent rumors that Joseph Vissarionovich was the son of the great Russian traveler Nikolai Mikhailovich Przhevalsky. Since they found similarities in the portraits of the Soviet Generalissimo in military uniform and tsarist major general. Say, preparing for the next trip, the general arrived in Gori to recruit soldiers for the expedition. And Stalin's mother cleaned the barracks. Well, the sin came out ...
Zhelenkov went further. He made the son of a retired Smolensk lieutenant Przhevalsky an illegitimate offspring of ... Tsar Alexander II. Brother of Alexander III. And their sons Stalin and Nicholas II became cousins. This is how history is written.
BY THE WAY
228 SAVED ROMANOV CHILDREN!
The omniscient Wikipedia has counted so many impostors around the world.
28 self-proclaimed Olga,
33 - False Tatyana,
53- False Mary,
33-False Anastasia,
81-False Alexey.
Evgeny Chernykh

Kosygin Alexei Nikolaevich (February 21 (March 5), 1904 - December 18, 1980) - Soviet statesman and party leader. Twice Hero of Socialist Labor (1964, 1974).

Member of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks since 1927, member of the Central Committee since 1939, candidate member of the Politburo (Presidium) of the Central Committee from the March Plenum of the Central Committee from 1946 to 1953 and from 1960 to 1980. Member of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR since 1946.

Alexei Nikolaevich Kosygin was born on February 21 (March 5), 1904 in St. Petersburg in the family of Nikolai Ilyich and Matrona Alexandrovna Kosygin.

From the end of 1919 to March 1921, Alexei Kosygin served in the 7th Army in the 16th and 61st military field construction in the section of Petrograd - Murmansk.

From 1921 to 1924, Kosygin was a student of the All-Russian food courses of the People's Commissariat for Food and studied at the Leningrad Cooperative Technical School, after which he was sent to Novosibirsk as an instructor of the Novosibirsk Regional Union of Consumer Cooperatives, and from 1926 to 1928 he was a member of the board, head of the organizational department of the Lena Union consumer cooperation in the city of Kirensk (now the Irkutsk region). There he was accepted as a member of the CPSU (b) in 1927. In 1928 he returned to Novosibirsk, where he worked as the head of the planning department of the Siberian Regional Union of Consumer Cooperatives.

After returning to Leningrad in 1930, Alexei Kosygin entered the Leningrad Textile Institute. Kirov, who graduated in 1935.

From 1936 to 1937 he worked as a foreman, and then as a shift supervisor at the factory. Zhelyabov, and from 1937 to 1938 he was the director of the Oktyabrskaya factory

On March 21, 1939, at the XVIII Congress, Alexei Kosygin was elected a member of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks. In the same year he was appointed to the post People's Commissar textile industry of the USSR, which held until 1940. In April 1940, he was appointed Deputy Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR and Chairman of the Council for Consumer Goods under the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR.

On June 24, 1941, Alexei Kosygin was appointed deputy chairman of the Council for Evacuation under the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR.

On July 11, by decision of the State Defense Committee, a special group of inspectors was created under the Council for Evacuation, headed by Kosygin. Under the control of this group, in the second half of 1941, one thousand five hundred and twenty-three enterprises were completely or partially evacuated, including one thousand three hundred and sixty large ones.

From January 19 to July 1942, Kosygin, as an authorized GKO in besieged Leningrad, did work to supply the civilian population of the city and troops, and also participated in the work of local Soviet and party bodies and the Military Council of the Leningrad Front. At the same time, Kosygin led the evacuation of the civilian population from the besieged city and participated in the creation of the "Road of Life", namely, in the implementation of the decree "On laying a pipeline along the bottom of Lake Ladoga."

On August 23, 1942, Alexei Kosygin was appointed authorized by the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks and the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR to ensure the procurement of local fuels, and on June 23, 1943, chairman of the Council of People's Commissars of the RSFSR.

In 1945, he was appointed to the post of Chairman of the Operational Bureau of the Council of People's Commissars of the RSFSR, and on March 19, 1946, Alexei Kosygin was approved as Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR, with the release on March 27 from the duties of Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars of the RSFSR. In March of the same year, he was elected a candidate member of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks.

On October 21, 1980, Kosygin was relieved of his duties as a member of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the CPSU and on October 23 he was relieved of his duties as Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR on the basis of a submitted application due to deteriorating health. According to the memoirs of a member of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the CPSU, the first secretary of the Moscow City Committee of the CPSU V. V. Grishin, Kosygin, already in the hospital, was worried about the implementation of the upcoming five-year plan of 1981-1985, feared its complete failure, spoke of the unwillingness of the Politburo to constructively address this issue.

Alexey Nikolaevich Kosygin died on December 18, 1980. The official press announced his death only three days later. The funeral of Alexei Kosygin took place on December 24 of the same year on Red Square in Moscow near the Kremlin wall. The urn with his ashes in the Kremlin wall was laid by Leonid Brezhnev, Yuri Andropov and Nikolai Tikhonov.

Alexei Kosygin made a significant contribution to the normalization of relations between the USSR and China during the border conflict on Damansky Island, having met in Beijing at the airport with the Premier of the State Council of the People's Republic of China, Zhou Enlai. The price of this normalization was as follows: Kosygin forbade Soviet troops to occupy the island after the Chinese had been driven out of it. As a result, Chinese troops immediately occupied the island, which is still Chinese today.