What Ordin Nashchokin did briefly. Athanasius Ordin-Nashchokin briefly and clearly - all the most important. Other economic transformations

He was born into the family of a poor Pskov nobleman around 1606. He was descended from a certain “Nashchoka”, a participant in the uprising of the inhabitants of Tver against the Khan's Baskak Chol Khan in 1327, who was wounded in the cheek. He spent his childhood and adolescence in the Pskov region - in Opochka. Local deacons taught him literacy and mathematics, the Poles taught him Polish and Latin, later he himself mastered German and Moldavian, as well as the modern Russian literary language, rhetoric - as he himself put it, he learned to "write syllables."

One of the most educated representatives of the court nobility, he had big library, calling books "treasures that purify the soul." Like all young nobles at that time, in 1622 he began "regimental service". In 1642 he was involved in the ambassadorial business at the court of Tsar Mikhail Fedorovich. He distinguished himself during negotiations with Sweden regarding the border line along the rivers Meuzitsa and Pivzhe, substantiating the Russian ownership of the lands occupied by the Swedes. In 1642–1643, he brilliantly completed a diplomatic mission during a trip to Moldova, achieving a temporary peace with Turkey and strengthening Russian-Moldovan ties.

Upon his return, not getting along with the Moscow nobility, he left for Pskov, where he was engaged in the sale of timber and potash abroad. In 1650, during an uprising of the urban lower classes in the city, he was accused of complicity in grain speculation. He fled, fearing the wrath of the rebels, to Moscow, from where he actively contributed to the suppression of the "rebellion", proposed a plan to pacify Pskov, which convinced the new Tsar Alexei Mikhailovich of loyal feelings.

In 1652 he was appointed to the boundary commission to discuss disputed territories with the Swedes. During the Russian-Swedish and Russian-Polish wars of the middle of the 17th century. He was both a governor and a diplomat. Participated in the assault on Vitebsk (1654), in the campaign and siege of Dinaburg (1655). He showed himself as a capable military leader during the campaign against Doissa and Druya ​​(1655). In 1656, he signed a treaty of friendship and alliance with Courland, held successful negotiations with Brandenburg on the Treaty of Riga (according to which, the Elector of Brandenburg pledged for himself and his successors not to support Sweden and Poland in their wars with Russia with either troops or money).

During a clash with the Swedes near Riga, despite the failures of the Russian troops, he organized a counterattack and thereby saved the Russian troops from defeat. He spoke out in favor of reform in the army - for the reduction of the noble cavalry, for the creation of regular units and for the involvement of foreign officers as teachers from the fields of the recently ended Thirty Years' War. Later, under Peter I, went along the path outlined by Ordin military reform(recruitment was introduced and foreigners were involved in training. soldiers).

For diligence and initiative, Ordin received a high appointment as governor in Koknes (Kokenguzen, Kukenos) with the subordination of the territory of Livonia with nineteen counties. It was then that he made an attempt to turn two cities subject to him - Koknes and Rezekne (Rechitsa) - into significant trading centers. In Koknese, he ordered the creation of a money yard. He minted Russian money, participated in financial transactions in favor of the treasury.

Wanting to achieve Russia's access to the sea, in 1658 he achieved the signing in Valiesari (near Narva) of a truce with the Swedes for three years, according to which Russia received access to the Baltic Sea. The truce made it possible to establish trade relations interrupted by the war. However, in 1660, due to the death of King Charles X, the Swedish ambassadors renounced the terms of the agreement.

In 1662, he led peace negotiations with Poland with the aim of "creating borders along the Dnieper and Dvina." In March 1663 in Lvov at a meeting with Polish king raised the question of uniting the forces of Russia and Poland against Turkey and Sweden - the main, as he believed, "enemies of the Slavic peoples." This attempt ended unsuccessfully, but he did everything to make it an important step towards future peace agreements between Russia and Poland (in 1687, after the death of Ordin-Nashchekin, Russia concluded the "Eternal Peace" with Poland).

In terms of religious views, Ordin was close to the supporters of reforming the church and, in particular, to Patriarch Nikon. At the end of 1664, in connection with the disgrace of the patriarch and his supporters, who found sympathy in his house, he was exiled from Moscow to Pskov.

In 1665, becoming governor of Pskov, Ordin proposed the creation of local self-government with representatives chosen from the people who would sit in a zemstvo hut (something like a city hall). Posadskys in Pskov supported this project, but the Moscow clerks saw in it an unnecessary "freedom".

Ordin launched an active struggle against trade privileges for foreign merchants, proposing to oblige them to pay high duties on the goods they imported. First in Russian economic history he proposed to introduce currency convertibility: to hand over silver "efimki" (from the German word "Joachim") to the treasury in exchange for Russian money. However, the Moscow government did not dare to introduce the Pskov innovation everywhere, referring to the instability of the internal and external situation.

Ordin's disgrace continued until the spring of 1665, when the Pskov governor suddenly received news that he had been conferred the title of okolnichii - the second Duma rank in what was then Russia. In the autumn of 1665 he was already in Moscow again, from where he departed with the embassy he headed to Poland. Negotiations with Poland, which began in the spring of 1666 in the village of Andrusovo, dragged on for many months (the reason for this was the plague epidemic that wiped out part of Moscow, as well as the military failures of the Russians). However, in the end, the negotiations ended with the victory of Russian diplomacy, making serious changes to the official biography of Ordin-Nashchokin (Russia regained Smolensk, lost during the turmoil, Chernigov Voivodeship, Starodubshchina, Seversk land; Kyiv with the adjacent territory of Right-Bank Ukraine remained behind Russia). Thanks to the Andrusovo truce, concluded with the lively participation of Ordin, his strategic plan took shape - peace with Poland and free hand in the fight against Sweden and Turkey.

For success in the diplomatic field, Ordin was "granted to the boyars." The Ambassadorial order was given to him (which he headed for five years), and with it the right to be considered "the royal Great Seal and state great affairs as a saver." Ordin becomes the "near boyar and butler" of the Russian tsar, that is, in fact, the first chancellor in Russia, since the Little Russian order, the Smolensk category and a number of others were also in his charge. public institutions. Increasing the weight of Ordin-Nashchokin in society, the tsar granted him 500 peasant households in the Kostroma district, Poretskaya volost and determined an additional reward of 500 rubles to the already high salary of the boyar.

One of the first actions of Ordin-Nashchokin as leader Embassy order was the introduction into life of the Novotorgovy charter, previously developed by him and partly tested in the Pskov region. The charter of 1667 generalized the provision on customs fees, strengthened the protective nature of taxation, laid the foundation for the arrangement of trading yards for unhindered trade, determined safe way to Moscow for Central Asian merchants. Ordin gave the order to introduce control over the Tula and Kashira arms factories, since they were under the jurisdiction of the Gambur businessman P. Marselis. Ordin sought to put a barrier to the leakage of profits abroad.

In the capital building of the Posolsky Prikaz (in the Kremlin, opposite the Archangel Cathedral), under Ordin, they began to receive foreigners. The room for their receptions was upholstered with red cloth, decorated with paintings - everything laid the foundation for the formation of diplomatic etiquette in Russia. Knowing languages, Ordin contributed to the intensification of diplomatic contacts, sent more and more new embassies abroad, hoped to organize representative offices in Poland, Spain, France, and Italy. It was thanks to him that postal communication began to operate in Russia (“the great state connecting business”), and postal service routes were established with Ukraine, Poland and Germany. Under Ordin, the first postal charter in Russia was also drawn up.

Ordin was especially successful in establishing ties with the East. Only the export of goods through Astrakhan delivered to the treasury a profit of a million silver rubles. Strengthened Russia's ties with the principalities of Central Asia, Armenia, Persia, Mongolia and China. Pathfinders funded by the Ambassadorial Order explored Siberia and Far East.

About international events Moscow society communicated through handwritten chimes- the prototype of the first Russian newspaper. Created also not without the participation of Ordin, the newspaper was copied by hand in just a few copies for the tsar and the boyars, and reached the merchants of Arkhangelsk and Yaroslavl.

The name Ordin is associated in Russian military history construction of the first shipyard in Russia in the village of Dedinovo on the Oka to carry out guard duty on the Volga and the Caspian Sea. Built by the decree of Ordin, the Orel ship was supposed to initiate the construction of the Russian fleet in the Caspian Sea (a quarter of a century before Peter I), but the ship was soon burned, like a number of other, smaller ships, by participants in the uprising led by Ataman S.T. Razin (1669–1771).

With all the diplomatic qualities of Ordin - intelligence, eloquence, vital tenacity - maneuvering in the whirlpools of the political life of Russia was given to him in old age more and more difficult. Directness in judgment brought him closer to disgrace.

In 1671 he was removed from service in the Posolsky order, returned to his homeland and took the vows as a monk under the name of monk Anthony. However, the black cassock of a novice of the Krypetsky Monastery could not fence him off from worldly affairs. There was no better connoisseur of Polish realities in the country, and in 1679 the tsar sent loyal people for Ordin, ordering them to dress the former chancellor again in boyar clothes and deliver them to Moscow to participate in negotiations with Polish ambassadors. Ordin felt tired and made no effort to gain a foothold in the capital again. His advice regarding the Poles was considered obsolete, Ordin himself was removed from the negotiations and returned to Pskov. There he died a year later, in 1680 in the Krypetsky Monastery at the age of 74.

A.L. Ordin-Nashchokin belonged to a cohort of Russian reformers who knew how to combine the interests of patriotism and renewal. He sought to protect domestic production through protectionist measures and a renewed fiscal policy. An important role in the post of head of state was also played by his patronage of the development of trade and the fleet, the establishment of trade relations between Russia and many countries. Ordin raised the value embassy service giving it an economic and political justification. A highly educated man of his time, Ordin-Nashchokin stood out among the courtiers with a lively mind, brilliant rhetorical talent, and erudition. His versatile activity left a deep mark in many areas of Russian life, preparing the country for the reforms of Peter I.

Lev Pushkarev, Natalya Pushkareva

APPENDIX

Novotragovy charter

Great Sovereign Tsar and Grand Duke Alexei Mikhailovich, listening to memorandums and trade articles from his great sovereign, the boyars and with duma people, pointed out, and his royal majesty the boyars were sentenced: according to the petition of the Moscow state, hundreds of guests and living rooms and black settlements of merchants from visiting foreigners in many offensive bargains, which long wars took place in the Muscovite state and Great Russia in border cities in bulk, long wars, and for this reason visiting foreigners fearlessly taught bad counterfeit goods, both in silver and gold in cast and spun, and in settings in cloth and in other overseas goods in the reigning to bring the city of Moscow and to the cities of Great Russia, in which the goods were truly convicted, and such bad goods were found, and many losses and household ruins were caused by the Russian merchants in the commandments washed out. And now, the all-merciful great sovereign of his tsarist majesty, with a tearful petition of the whole people, that the trading people of the Moscow state and the border cities of Great Russia have free trades, as a life, which in all neighboring states in the first state affairs, free and profitable trades for the collection of duties and for the worldly possessions of the people, with all care, they are warned and completely kept, according to the below-written trade articles from the Ambassador's order, by a visiting foreigner for overseas statements, so that their arrival with goods for trade in foreign cities was led, given in a letter. And genuine articles in the hands of guests and the best merchants and suburban parishes of their spiritual fathers in the Novgorod quarter, and to the city of Arkhangelsk and to border cities such articles will be sent. And in turn and by choice from the guests and from the best merchants, the heads and kissers in the reigning city of Moscow and in the border cities of Great Russia, for faith, according to the commandment of Christ, the holy gospel and for fear of the judgment of the righteous God, guarding the former decreed state decrees intact, also consequent to any state collection of customs profits and to the defense of merchants from all sorts of third-party ruinous insults, with all zeal, take care of and take care of everything tightly. And they have been chosen as from the beginning of the present decree to the city from Moscow, a guest and his comrades by consideration, and not by friendship or enmity, but by Christian truth itself without insult, and choosing leisurely and God-pleasing people, not looking at their stomachs, but knowing from their Christian life to God spiritual virtue and truth. And to fill the shortcomings of the house with dignity from the Moscow customs and from the city zemstvo huts with worldly help, also in joyful service without any insult. And take care of that, so that by the trading people of the ranks of whites, all sorts of people from foreigners do not repair bargaining and contracts, but apply their goods to Russian trading people, to a high price and to good belongings, as well as trading people with little power among the guests and the best people were in savings, than by bargaining between Russian people to get a warehouse for large goods, but they didn’t spoil the prices for sale by a foreigner and didn’t get money from foreigners in a row. And they have a lot of goods to show, and they will be asked who sells from whom, so that nothing is hidden. And for that founded and henceforth strengthened great state and nationwide duty collection of the case chosen to be the best person, and the collection to repair the great sovereign to the treasury, as below this article indicate:

1. On the Dvina, near the city of Arkhangelsk, at the customs, be at the fair for a guest with comrades. And the guest and the comrade governors in customs trade in all matters do not know anything, so that in that great sovereign's treasury there was no damage in the treasury.

2. Any complete reprisals near the city of Arkhangelsk in trade affairs by the Russian people and foreigners should be repaired at the customs by the guest and comrades.

3. From Moscow to go to comrade living rooms hundreds and a cloth hundreds to a kisser to Vologda on April 1, and with them to be in addition from Yaroslavl, and from Kostroma, and from Vologda 2 people each so that they can take them with them from Vologda to Arkhangelsk rewriting all the goods to the city in barges and planks and inspecting them firmly, let them go, and themselves be in Vologda until the spring courts leave. And let the two kissers go on the first ship itself to the city of Arkhangelsk, and themselves, having dismissed the spring courts from Vologda, go without delay to the city of Arkhangelsk, so that they can be in time before the arrival of the ship to the city.

4. And when they arrived in Vologda, take the notebooks from the customs head of Vologda with all the goods that were written from Moscow and from all cities in Vologda on vacation to the city of Arkhangelsk.

5. And from the merchant Russian people and from foreigners to take the goods of painting for their hands, how many of their goods they release from Vologda to the Arkhangelsk city.

6. And against those murals of all goods to inspect firmly, and that the declarer in excess of the murals is in excess, and to have those goods on the great sovereign.

7. And what goods against their given murals will come down, and those goods having written down in the book, and give them statements under the seal and by hand, and order them to put them in the courts and release them without delay to the city of Arkhangelsk.

8. And how will they arrive at the city of Arkhangelsk, and they will appear at the customs and give them the extract that was given to them in Vologda. And at the customs near the city, write down those goods of theirs against the extract in the books in the same name, on which the goods are written in the extract. And without memory from the customs from the guest with the comrades of those goods from the barges and from other ships, no one should unload or take them out. And for the guest to go from Moscow to get the kissers of May from the 15th and leave the kisser in Vologda for the release of yuhot and other goods. And release those goods to the same kisser and the Vologda customs head, and issue statements with a customs seal and by hand. Yes, the guest, in addition to kissing from Veliky Ustyug, and from Kargapol, and from Solivychegotskaya [to have] 2 people each and be at the fair at the customs collection.

9. And how they want to unload their goods and ships, and they have a memory from the guest with the comrades at the customs. And send good and faithful kissers to the guest with remembrance, and inspect those goods against the extracts in barrels and in boxes and in bales and in all places firmly. And what, in addition to the statements, will announce what extra goods, and all those extra goods to take on the great sovereign, except for the weighty ones. And weighty goods have a pendant.

10. And those goods against the discharge of the consignee, who have a declaration and a small pendant, those should be given to them. Also to repair other ships that come from different cities with Russian and German goods, against this above-mentioned article.

11. And whoever the merchants of all ranks, people will begin to trade their goods near the city of Arkhangelsk with Russian people and with foreigners, and they will write down all their auctions in customs books in name, and apply their hands to those auctions.

12. And what will the Russian people have of all kinds of goods for sale for money and for barter, and from those goods to have a guest with comrades from a direct sale price from all things things as before, 10 money from the ruble, and not from things things from any have duties of 8 money per ruble. And from the fat of the blubber and from the fish to have a duty according to the former sovereign decree.

13. And which a Russian person will show at the city of Arkhangelsk for the purchase of commodity money, and from the money to have duties of 8 money from the ruble. And to give the guest with the comrades all the merchants in payment duties an extract by hand and with a customs seal.

14. And those people who have been torn from the city will learn to put the goods in the courts, in which they will be led to Russia, and they will bring in advance to the guest with the comrades a painting of all the goods separately and the name in whose ship to put him. And to write that painting to the guest in the books in name, and signing that painting for that, and attach the seal and give it to the merchant who submitted it. And against that painting, inspect him, and after inspection, it is free for him to put those goods in the courts.

15. And if someone does not submit a painting, and if someone submits a painting, he will put the excess and let it go on top, and have those extra goods on the great sovereign.

16. When the ship is already filled with goods, and to the one whose ship, bring a list of all the goods that are put into the ship, and whose ship and whose goods, write in name and bring it to customs. And to cope with those paintings with those paintings, which the guest signed the customs head and attached the customs seal, and there will be an announcer with those paintings word for word, and give him an extract from the books and let him go. And it will be that in addition to the listing of the announcer, and those extra goods to take on the great sovereign, and therefore let them go up to Russia. And export duties from Russian people from goods should not be taken from any.

17. And which Russian people will have for sale what goods in the balance are not on sale, and from those goods in that year they will not have duties, and write down those goods in the rest in the new year. And to have duties on those goods in the year in which those goods will be on sale. And if he wants to lead from the city to other cities, and let him go with a letter. And in which cities those goods will be sold, in those cities they will have to pay duty.

18. And which people from the city of Arkhangelsk with their goods will go by water and dry way past the cities, and from those goods, in which cities, they will not have any tolls as before. And the governors in the city and customs heads should not detain any merchant people with goods in the passages, let them through everywhere without delay, and all working people, forwarders and feeders, and drafters, in the cities, it was free for everyone to hire without the knowledge of the governor, because the governors in many cities for their own gain they detain in vain.

19. And in which cities all Russian merchants will learn to sell those city goods, and from those sale goods, duties should be charged in those cities at 10 money per ruble for all sorts of petty articles.

20. And what will they buy in the same cities with that commodity money of what goods, and from those purchased goods and from money they will not have duties as before. If a clerk or a person steals any kind of Russian merchant’s goods, he won’t show up at the customs in Moscow and in the cities, or what kind of reserved goods he will learn to trade without the master’s knowledge, or in some other theft of an announcer, and for that their theft of the master’s goods on not to have a great sovereign and not to put the owners in penalty, because many clerks and people steal with their own intent, without the master's order, and steal their bellies from their owners. And then their prikaschitsky theft by their owner and third-party people testified that they committed theft, and for that they beat with a whip mercilessly and take a penalty from their sobin half of the stomach. And do not have tolls from any Russian people in any towns against the former sovereign's decree.

21. In the houses of Russian people to keep small scales for their needs, which raise ten pounds, and steelyards such that they raise two pounds and three. Keep the same scales at the salt mines for estimates. And do not keep more of those scales in the houses. And in those small scales, do not weigh anything for anyone to sell or buy, keep it for your needs. And in a number of scales in Moscow and in the cities to be the same.

22. On salt and fishing boats and on pauskas, it is impossible to be a steward, for drafters and for any estimate without them. And in the sale of those contari do not weigh anything.

23. A person from Moscow and other cities will bring any goods from the city, or from anywhere to the city in which he lives, and he will pay duties on sales goods against the former sovereign's decree.

24. And whoever shows his goods in Moscow and in the cities for sale, and does not sell those goods in that city, and wants to bring those goods to another city, and give him a period of sale for six months, he is free to sell in those months in that city and lead to other cities, let him go with a note in six months. And where those goods will be sold, in those cities they will collect duties from those goods, and give them extracts in payment of duties in those cities, and bring those extracts to them in those cities from which they were released with unsold goods.

25. And if someone writes his goods in Moscow, and six months later he does not sell, but wants to send news to another city and from those unsold goods to have a duty in those cities in which they will be recorded. And after six months, he will take those goods to another city, and taking duties from him, release them with an extract. And which goods will be released in six months with the release, and in those releases to give a period for consideration, how well it is possible to put the release from which cities in those cities from which the goods will be released.

26. And which salt will be released from Astrakhan and Is Perm and from other places from the brewers is raw, and at the customs that raw salt by weight in the leave books is written in full and they give them extracts for that salt, and where they will bring that salt to Nizhny Novgorod and to other cities, and that salt has a thousand poods, a weight of poods for a hundred and more. And against writing out that weighty salt on those people, do not ask and have a duty on the weight that they will have on sale, one hryvnia per ruble, for all sorts of small articles, and do not have any money in excess of the hryvnia. And which people will put statements that that salt was bought from them with money, and from the money they paid duties of five dollars per ruble in those cities in which they bought the salt, and they will put statements in those payments, and those statements should be read to them, to have from that salable salt two altyns three times each, and with the previous duties, the same from that salt will come down for a hryvnia and a ruble.

27. And which goods he is, living in Moscow and in the cities, every one in his city, whatever goods he buys, and from those goods he does not pay duties as before, so that all the merchants from the auctions of the great sovereign serve in those cities. and all kinds of taxes are paid. And those people who bring from other cities pay duties on those goods.

28. And which a person, having bought some kind of goods in his city, and wants to take that goods to another city, and declare it at the customs and write down that goods to the customs head in the release book, and give him an extract by hand and with a seal, and let go to that city. And in the statement, describe each product separately. And when he arrived in another city, submit an extract to the customs, and against that extract, order his head to inspect and write it down in the books in name, and order to inspect it firmly, and take what is in addition to the declaration of the announcer to the great sovereign. And if someone buys some goods at fairs and between cities, and those goods will not be written in the statement, and from those goods they will have a duty against the great sovereign by decree as before.

29. And how will he sell that product in the city, and take a duty from him at ten dollars from the ruble, from selling prices from direct prices, and give him an extract in that payment. And do not have any extra duties or invoices.

30. And if someone arrives in which city with money to buy goods, and declare that money to him at the customs, and write the money to the customs head in books and collect duties from the money, five dollars from the ruble. And that he will buy some goods and go from that city to another city, and give him an extract that he paid a fee for money. And in that statement of the purchased item, write the whole thing. And by hand and behind the seal, give that statement to the one whose goods, and inspect the goods against the statement. And there will be a descendant, let go. And if the announcer is too much, and have those extra goods for the great sovereign. And for which the money will not be bought goods, and he must declare that money and not have duties on the rest of the money. And having arrived to that person with the goods, which city he wants to, submit to the customs office the extract given to him. And at the customs office, against the extract, write down and order the goods to be inspected, and from the selling goods to have duties of five dollars per ruble, because in the city in which he bought the goods, he paid five dollars. And take that statement from him and write it down in a book. And who will not have such statements that they paid a duty from the money, to have ten money from the ruble from those goods.

31. On Kolmogory, from top to bottom and from bottom to top, in the courts of goods not to inspect. He will inspect, and in that there will be no profit for the great sovereign, only a futile delay and losses will be for the merchant people.

32. To inspect firmly all sorts of goods from the Russian people and from foreigners near the city of Arkhangelsk. Russian people near the city of Arkhangelsk and in all foreign cities must pay duties in small silver money, which they will learn to bargain among themselves.

33. And which Russian goods in foreign cities, and in Novgorod, and in Pskov, and in Putivl, and in others will not be sold, and Russian people will take them back to Moscow and to other cities, and there will be no duties on those goods. Pay them duties where those goods they have on sale will be.

34. And which goods from the city, and in Pskov, and in Novgorod, and in Putivl and in other cities, will be bought overseas with money, or exchanged for goods, and from those goods, overseas duties from Russian people should not be received, because they paid from that bargaining with Russian goods and money in the same city. And to pay from those goods in those cities in which they will be on sale, ten money from the ruble.

35. Throughout the city and in Siberia, all merchant people by land and water voivodes should not be kept or controlled in any trade business in the passages, except for the customs statutory right.

36. And which foreigners from Moscow and Vologda and from other cities bring all sorts of Russian purchased goods to the city of Arkhangelsk, and take the extract from those foreigners to the guest and the comrades, where they bought those goods, and write down from the extract in the books in name, and against of those records, all their goods will be thoroughly examined in barrels, and in bales, and in riots, and in all sorts of boxes and places, and that their goods will be counted and weighed. And it will be against the discharge of those goods of theirs, and to give them those goods. And what about the announcement in addition to the statements in the account of what goods, and those extra goods to have on the great sovereign.

37. And that there are a small number of appendices in the clothing goods of the advertiser in addition to the extracts, and from those extra goods to have for the seller and from the purchase and travel duties in full four altyns, two money from the ruble. And the great sovereign should not have those valuable goods.

38. And the repurchase duty on things goods will remain the same. And there will be all sorts of small fees against statutory printed letters.

39. Which sables will be brought by travel letters from Siberia, and from those sables they will have duties in Moscow and in the cities at five dollars per ruble, so that from those sables in Siberian cities the tenth and many other travel duties are accepted. And which sables will be bought at the exit and at fairs and in towns with money, and money to have five money from the ruble and give them extracts in that payment. And where those sables will be sold, and from those sables with selling prices they will have five money per ruble. And who will not have extracts and Siberian travel letters, and from those sables to have duties of ten money from the ruble. And which guests and living rooms and cloth hundreds of merchants, being in towns and at fairs, will buy any kind of edible supplies for their household use, also for clothes for their household needs, tens of five or six, and from those household food purchases do not have duties, according to the person, depending on how much is decent for someone for household expenses, and then for faith, so that we do not surplus for profit. And if there really will be a curse on them, and for that they will accept the state's disgrace and condemnation in excess.

40. And which foreigners sell those Russian purchased goods near the city of Arkhangelsk to their brothers by a foreigner, and from those sold Russian goods have a duty of ten money per ruble. And to watch it firmly, so that foreigners do not trade duty-free among themselves in Russian goods near the city. And the duties on those goods should be in excess of those trade duties.

41. And which foreigners, hiding among themselves, will teach the Russians to trade goods near the city without a note, secretly with their brother, duty-free, and about that a detective, and have those goods on the great sovereign.

42. In Moscow and in the cities, all foreigners should not sell any goods separately. And they will learn to sell separately, and to have those goods for the great sovereign.

43. By decree of the great sovereign, at the mouth of the Dvina River, create trenches and build a courtyard in those trenches. And when the ships come to the trenches from the sea, and here they are put. A shipbuilder, at that time the future chief, to give a list of all goods and ship a name, and who came with a name to foreign merchants, write authentically. And leave that painting behind the shipbuilder's hand in the trenches, and give the shipbuilder behind his own hand to the future chief in the trenches a list from that painting. And let go without delaying that ship to the Arkhangelsk city, and from the trenches send the painting to the orderly man to the shipbuilder to the Arkhangelsk city to the guest at the customs. And to the shipbuilder, having arrived at the city of Arkhangelsk, the visitor with the ship at the customs came to the guest with his comrades and gave him the painting. And for the guest to write down the signature in the books in name.

44. And if someone wants to take his goods from the ship ashore, and give him a painting at the customs to the guest with the comrades, only what message he wants to take to the shore. And for the guest to write down that painting in books, and according to that painting, they inspect those goods firmly in barrels and in boxes and in bales. And what kind of goods they will have after inspection, and those goods in customs should be recorded in books separately in name, every foreigner is an individual article.

45. And to me for Russian German goods, as well as for the purchase of German goods by Russian people, so that behind the slave and behind the inspection there were heads and kissers, in order to be in charge of postavy on cloth, and on velvet, and on otlas, and on damask, and on all sorts of elbow goods, and on cast and spun gold, and silver, hallmarks and seals, all sorts of pink signs in which city, in order to know the masters of such goods, whose skill. And those overseas sellers would write down their names at the notebooks and put their hands on who would sell and exchange overseas goods in Moscow state for the good and for the whole, which is laudable in all states, and not such counterfeit thieves that bad goods have appeared in recent years. And behind such care and a strong note on the brands and seals of the detective, theft by counterfeiting goods, and it would have been known to write to that state so that henceforth bad goods on vacation in the Muscovite state would be ordered under a cruel commandment, and they would stop sending. And having denounced those bad goods and announced to the whole world, send them with dishonor from the fair, so that in the future such bad goods would not be transported, and prices would not be spoiled with good goods. Also, Russian goods with any inspection on sale and in exchange would be good, and straight in count and weight.

46. ​​And that they have an announcer in the inspection of overseas excess goods in addition to their painting, which was filed near the city, to have excess goods for the great sovereign. And from ships to planks, and to karbas, and to barges, and to all kinds of ships, and to the shore at night, no goods should be taken out. Also, from Russian ships to the ship at night, no one should carry any goods. And about making the order firmly. And who will be caught with what goods at night, and those goods to take on the great sovereign.

47. And that they will have foreigners of those overseas goods near the city of Arkhangelsk on sale for money and for exchange, other than French wines and vodkas, and they will record those auctions in the customs office in a book with a nominal price, any goods for which will be sold. And to those of their trading notes to order them to put their hands in the future for a dispute.

48. And to collect from those sold overseas goods to the sovereign's treasury, in the customs near the city of Arkhangelsk, duties in gold and efimka: ten money from the ruble from the real goods, and not ten money from the ruble from the real goods.

49. And if a foreigner writes down the indirect price of his goods with a decrease, and those goods will be on the great sovereign.

50. And to accept for duty the good gold Ugric ones for a gold ruble, and the Lyubsky Efimkas for half a dozen in weight. And Russian merchants and Moscow-born foreigners still pay duty in Russian small money.

51. And wine and other rose drinks before the former are brought much more, and much of it is not needed, because at the sovereign's mug yards, losses and shortfalls are large from that. And the great sovereign pointed out: from wines and from other rose drinks from foreigners to take more duties, as from other goods near the city of Arkhangelsk, from pregnant barrels of alkane, bastra, malmazei, muskkatels, 66 efimki from a barrel, from romanea from a pregnant barrel, forty efimki , from semi-pregnant barrels of Rhensky, 20 efimki per barrel. Carry good church wine without admixture for church needs, taking into account barrels, and still have duties from the anchor of burnt French wine according to shti efimkov from barrels, from the cellar from vodka according to shti efimkov, for head sugar per pood for a ruble, for red candy for forty altyn, on white and on another made for a pood of one and a half rubles.

52. And which foreigner will want to carry those drinks up to Russia, and he will pay specified efimki from those overseas drinks from the city. And those overseas drinks to lead him up to Russia, for the return of the city full duties.

53. And in which cities those drinks will be on sale, and from that sale they will have a duty of five altyns per ruble. And Russian people from those overseas drinks still have to pay duty.

54. And a foreigner near the city and in Moscow and in the cities of overseas should not sell any drink in galenki and in vials, so that there would be no damage to the sovereign's treasury in the circle yards in the collection.

55. And if a foreigner near the city and in Moscow and in the cities learns to sell some kind of overseas drink into galenki and jars, and for this he will be punished, and on him to take a penalty to the sovereign's treasury, which the great sovereign indicates.

56. And if foreigners want to carry their goods from the city to Moscow and to other cities, and they are paid from those overseas goods near the Arkhangelsk city travel duties in the hryvnia from the ruble in gold and efimka so that the Russian people and Moscow foreigners pyatina and tithe and they pay all sorts of taxes and services. They serve, but foreigners pay nothing.

57. And when foreigners learn to put their goods in the courts, in which the news is in Russia, and whoever begins to put their goods in the courts, it is necessary to bring to the customs office in advance the signature by hand and the name of the goods, and in whose ship to put, write down the name in books, and he is free to put his goods in the courts. And against that painting at that foreigner, all goods in barrels and in boxes and in bales and in all places should be inspected firmly, broken everywhere, prophetic outweighed so that there are too many unrevealed goods. And that the announcement in addition to the painting of unnecessary goods, and all those unnecessary goods, imat the great sovereign irrevocably.

58. And seal the barrels and boxes and bales and all sorts of places with a customs seal and order him to declare all those places according to the statement in those cities in which they learn to trade. And in the extracts of their goods write to them by name, in how many barrels and in boxes and in bales and in all places with them released with customs seals of what goods by measure and count and weight.

59. And what kind of goods in Moscow and in the cities will foreigners sell all sorts of overseas goods, except for drinking, and from then on they will receive from the sale 2 altyn per ruble as before.

60. And so that foreigners do not sell their goods to visiting merchants, and do not buy anything from them, but sell them in those cities to merchants of that city in which they begin to trade, and they also buy all sorts of goods, and not from visitors, and foreigners did not repair any contracts and records with visiting people, and so they would not have taken away trades from those Moscow and Gorodtsk merchants.

61. And Moscow merchants in border towns and fairs to trade with foreigners all sorts of goods freely.

62. And if foreigners will learn to sell their overseas goods past those citizens, they will teach them to sell or buy from them, albeit in bulk, and have those goods for the great sovereign.

63. To make a strong order, so that a foreigner with a foreigner does not trade or sell or exchange any goods, because the great sovereign in the customs in the collections of the great sovereign’s treasury is subject to large shortfalls, and the Russian people in the auctions of their handicap and the destitution of the bureaucrat. And foreigners will learn to trade among themselves, and the detective about that is straight forward, and take those goods against the great sovereign.

64. And why are they, foreigners, being in Moscow and in the cities, selling all their overseas goods, except for drinks, for money, or replacing them with goods, and from those overseas goods from the sale of having foreigners pay duties on them at 2 altyns per ruble .

65. And that they will have all sorts of Russian goods to buy, in Moscow and in the cities, and those Russian purchased goods in Moscow and in the cities in the customs should be recorded in the customs, in which number of which goods they will buy for money, or exchange for goods, and at what cost, and to put your hands on those notes for any dispute. And when they want to release those purchased Russian goods from Moscow and from the cities, and bring them to the customs at the customs for their hands, how many of which goods they release where, and at the customs write down those paintings in books and give him an extract for the golovin's hand and for the customs seal , and against that painting of those Russian goods they have to inspect firmly. And what is in excess of their murals, the announcement is in excess, and those goods are irrevocably on the great sovereign.

66. And how foreigners with Russian goods will be near the city of Arkhangelsk and in Novgorod and in Pskov and in other border cities, and they will want to let those purchased Russian goods go to their states, and they will have those Russian goods against Moscow and city customs records to inspect firmly , re-read and re-weigh. And it will be against the receipts of those goods of the merchant, and from those Russians from all goods to have travel duties in the amount of a hryvnia from the ruble from the price, according to which those Russian goods will be on sale near the city of Arkhangelsk and in Novgorod and in Pskov and other foreign cities, and let them go to their lands without detention.

67. And what will happen to them, foreigners, an announcer that, in addition to the receipts, what Russian goods are in excess, and those superfluous all goods are irrevocably on the great sovereign.

68. In Moscow and near the city of Arkhangelsk, and in Novgorod, and in Pskov, and in Vologda, and in Yaroslavl and in all cities, all foreigners in their houses and in large shops and do not keep any weights, and their goods and Russians in them Do not weigh their houses and shops, but weigh them all sorts of foreign and Russian goods in customs.

69. And what goods foreigners bring to the city in barges and in planks and in other ships, they should declare all those goods at the customs and submit extracts for those goods from those cities in which they were bought, and after a note, keep memory and kissers in the customs . And the demon of memory and the demon of kissers should not carry any goods into ships.

70. And which a foreigner, without writing down his goods and without taking the customs office of memory and a kisser, learns to carry his goods on ships, but it is found out for sure that those goods should be taken to the great sovereign.

71. And if a foreigner is found with a large scale, and for that they will have great fines.

72. Which foreigner will bring gold and efimki from across the sea, and he will not pay duties from that. And what he buys for gold and for efimki what kind of goods, and then he will lead to his land duty-free.

73. And all the gold and efimki that will be brought from across the sea, near the city of Arkhangelsk, and in Novgorod, and in Pskov and in all border cities, give them to the treasury of the great sovereign, accepting them from foreigners. And to have small Russian money for them, for gold a ruble, and for efimkas of love, half a ruble, fourteen efimki in a pound. And if someone does not declare his gold and efimki in the customs office, and the official is aware of this, and on him to take a fine from every hundred gold and efimki 10 each without money. And from the sovereign's treasury for gold and for efimki money to give without any detention. And Russian money from foreigners is not indebted to anyone for the old debt.

74. And if someone is lucky himself with a secret, or with whom he sends gold and efimki to Moscow, but about that the detective or someone will notify, and they will take gold and efimki from him, and take those gold and efimki to the great sovereign.

75. And that at the city of Arkhangelsk there will be left unsold goods on ships, and from those goods overseas in former years there were no duties, and now it is more dangerous to have, that in the first summer not everyone knows, so as not to drive overseas foreigners away from the city of Arkhangelsk. And from now on, someone will have extra goods for me and for sale, and a duty will be taken from them, although he will not sell, for what it was customary to secretly give in contract to the Russian people.

76. To make a charter and an order, so that the ships to the Arkhangelsk city would come as early as before, so that all trades would be before Semenya for days, and after Semenya there would be no days of bargaining, and it is known to Russian people and foreigners to do this, because the goods for the great sovereign they buy, and after a good time and on the road in the rivers, all kinds of spoiler's drinks freeze, and because of this, great losses are incurred by the man, and many ships also disappear from that at sea. And when the organizer bargains earlier, there will be no such losses in vain.

77. And who are foreigners from across the sea, Kizilbash, Indians, Bukharians, Armenians, Kumyks, Cherkasy and Astrakhan residents, all sorts of foreigners, will go with their goods to Moscow and other cities, and from those foreigners to collect duties on their goods for sale hryvnia from the ruble in Astrakhan travelers. And he will begin to trade in Astrakhan, and from them he will have duties of 10 money per ruble.

78. And what are they in Moscow and in the cities of which Russian goods they will buy for money, or they will exchange them for goods and take them from Moscow from the cities, and from those Russian goods to have duties on the hryvnia from the ruble in Astrakhan, and against their notes they have to inspect tightly in tay and in boxes, so that they don’t bring in or take out extra unrevealed protected goods. And what a detective of superfluous and reserved goods, to have on the great sovereign without mercy. And they pay the duty in Moscow as before, 10 money per ruble.

79. But they should not buy gold and efimki, and they should not sell to the Russian people under the commandment of the Kizilbash. And they will find gold and efimka from them, to have on the great sovereign, because they take out a lot of gold and silver from the Muscovite state.

80. Similarly, from the Greeks, and the Volkhovs, and from the Mutyans and other foreigners of the local regions, to collect duties on their goods for a hryvnia per ruble, and therefore inspect them firmly, and have the extra unrevealed goods on the great sovereign.

81. And if those Greek women will begin to trade in Putivl for gold and efimka, and they will not have duties on them, they will trade duty-free. And they have gold in the sovereign's treasury, and give them money from the sovereign's treasury at a ruble for gold, and for efimok at fifty.

82. And if they are in Putivl they will begin to exchange their goods for Russian goods, and from their Greek goods they will have 10 money per ruble, and from Russian goods they will have a duty from the Russian people according to the previous sovereign decree.

83. In Moscow and in the cities of all the lands of foreigners, they must not sell any overseas goods separately, and at fairs they should not travel to any city with their own goods and money and send clerks.

84. And if they, foreigners, will sell their goods separately, or they will learn to travel with goods and money to fairs, and have those goods and money for the great sovereign.

85. From the city of Arkhangelsk and from Veliky Novgorod and Pskov to pass to Moscow and to other cities those foreigners who will have the great sovereign letters of bidding with a red seal.

86. And having reviewed their goods against their paintings and taking duties against the skask, x to whom the goods are carried in a contract, and who will not have such a great sovereign letters of commendation on auctions, and those foreigners to Moscow and other cities and do not let them through, trade them near the city of Arkhangelsk and in Pskov.

87. And the patterned goods of the great sovereign to the treasury and all sorts of overseas wines for everyday life will be taught to contract from the city, and buying as a great sovereign is more profitable for the treasury and better for buying, to whom the great sovereign indicates, and send to Moscow with Russian people, and not with foreigners, so that their willful visits to Moscow, for many quarrels, were set aside.

88. For many, it is decent to know in one decent order in all the orders of merchants, where the great sovereign will indicate to his sovereign boyar, which order would be a merchant's people in all border cities and in other states about passages by defense, and in all cities from military taxes merchant people was protection and control.

89. And who, with the merchant people, should beat the brow of the great sovereign about his offenses against anyone, against all ranks of people, and so that all merchant people should be judged and ruled against those people in the same order without fail, so that the merchant people, dragging along by many orders, not to leave their trades, and so that any commercial trade multiplies without red tape. And in that great sovereign's treasury there will be a considerable replenishment in duties.

90. With all sorts of fish and sables in Moscow and in the cities, have 10 money per ruble for all small items. Podugnoe, washed, and hundredth, and thirtieth, and tenth, dump, and folds, and turns, and articles, and pavement, and living room, and all sorts of other small articles set aside and put in a ruble duty.

91. For all sorts of goods, hired from merchant people to export the sovereign’s palace and monastery villages and all kinds of ranks, peasants, and they give in those goods in delivery and in all sorts of cunning records, and against those records, many haulers of goods do not deliver goods and steal from the city. And so that in those undelivered goods, according to the records, to give court and complete reprisal in Moscow and around the city to customs heads in customs on all the cabmen, whoever it is, who will be hired as goods, so that, dragging behind that, according to a different order, the merchant people do not serve their trades .

92. Are there foreign drinks in the current year 175 near the city of Arkhangelsk or in Novgorod and Pskov, foreigners will bring in a lot of them for sale, or they will bring Russian people by contract, not knowing the current charter and overhead duties on those drinks, and for that, against Article 51, on every cask and box that is named there, put a fourth share of the overhead prices. And who wants foreigners to Russian cities to carry those drinks, and from the ruble on sale to pay five times altyn.

93. Yes, in Moscow and in the cities of Great Russia and in the settlements, and in the streets, and in the villages, and in the districts of all ranks over fugitive people in the parish and in the pier of the hallways of the new people of the great sovereign of the tsarist majesty, the voivodes and clerks have a warning. And for all sorts of artisans and industrialists in all sorts of trades in the black settlements, the Sotsky and tenth people would firmly fix the order with the Zhiletsky people, so that they would not keep any visitors and parishioners without an announcement and without a note. And whoever will say what kind of craft or trade the breadwinner wants, and he would sign up for that rank and give from himself for a year (a handwritten note), and more and less than a year, according to the calculation, according to where it will be laid. In the same way, goods would not be sold anywhere past the extraordinary rows and shops in open places, and thus the rows would not be boring and the shop people would not be in misery.

94. Yes, in foreign cities, as in large fairs near the city of Arkhangelsk, and in Novgorod, and in Pskov, and in Kazan, and in Astrakhan, visiting from the Kizilbash, and from the Armenians, and from the Greeks in Putivl and from the Lithuanian side in Smolensk, heads and kissers in summer and winter bring from foreigners to ask and revise in chests and in caskets and in boxes and in zeps pearls and stones are not wrong, so that there are no any patterned things in hiding. And such things should be guarded from buying and from exchanging for Russian goods, as in other states they cherish silver, and they hedge off such things that are unnecessary to buy, and take them away from ordinary non-official people in wearing under the commandment, so that they don’t come to misery from it. Also, people who were expensive from sholku and from cloth were not worn by simple and low ranks. And then to detain by decree of the great sovereign from the purchase ordinary people a large bill of lading and a commandment without mercy. And that is protected in all the states, and from the vain squalor of their people are kept.

And from all the articles that are written above, written out on the list and given to different states by a trading foreigner for knowledge.

- The charter of trade in the reigning city of Moscow and in all Great Russia in foreign cities, so that foreigners overseas, and who are in their cities about bringing Great Russia to foreign cities of their overseas goods, also to the reception of Russian goods soon wrote for the early arrival of ships .

1. Ships will come to the city of Arkhangelsk and moor where there is a custom, and then the annual services of the Moscow guest with the comrades will ask the ship owners for all the goods of murals, and then it will soon be given before the goods are unloaded from the ship. And they will learn to have all overseas goods with paintings and notes, so that no one has anything to steal. And from direct and from non-customs goods of the great sovereign to the treasury, duties should be paid in gold and efimki. Good Ugrian gold for a ruble, and Efimok Lyubskaya for half a ruble.

2. And if foreigners bring gold and efimka from across the sea, and from that they will not pay duties. And with those gold and efimki they will buy what kind of goods, and they will bring those goods to their land duty-free.

3. And so that foreigners do not sell any goods separately in Moscow and in the cities. And he will learn to sell separately, and have those goods for the great sovereign. And foreigners with foreigners should not trade or exchange any goods, and Russian visiting people should not be sold or exchanged. And to sell goods in those cities to the merchants of the city in which they will trade, and they also buy all sorts of goods. And contracts and records by a foreigner with visiting people cannot be repaired, because in the customs of the great sovereign the treasury of the treasury has large shortfalls, and Russian people in the trade are hindered and emasculated and losses from that.

4. From wine and from other rose drinks and from sugars, before the previous duties, have an increase with an increase: from pregnant barrels of alkane, bastra, malmazei, muskateli, shifmki each per barrel, from a pregnant barrel of romanea, forty efimki, from half-pregnant barrels of rensky, twenty efimki from barrels. Church wine to carry a good demon mixed for church needs, by counting barrels, and from that to have duties as before, from the anchor of burnt French wine according to shti efimkov from barrels, from the cellar from vodka according to shti efimkov, for a pood of head sugar for a ruble, on red a lollipop for forty altyns, on white and on another made one and a half rubles per pood.

5. And which foreigners desire rose drinks to send to Moscow and to other cities, and for return from the city they will carry full duties on those drinks to Russia. And in which cities those drinks will be on sale, and from that sale they will pay a duty of five altyns per ruble.

6. And so that from across the sea the ships to the Arkhangelsk city would still come early, and having hauled from the city across the sea, the days went to Semenya, and after Semenya there would be no bargaining because in the late auctions and after a good time, the great men losses, as well as ships from that at sea, many disappear. And when the initiator bargains early, there will be no such unnecessary losses.

7. And even then, visiting foreigners would know all the lands, for this, their arrival in Moscow is in great fear of goods, and that in the present years there are obvious lies in the importation of bad goods and in theft of duties and in willful sales and purchases by gostiny yards they secretly kept goods in their own yards, and in the same way, in foreign cities, past the guest yards, they sold them separately to all sorts of people, and they gave drawn cloth and thin clothes on credit to the Russian people, from which the Russian people came to ruin and in the washings and in the commandments of houses departed their own and their bellies. And those untruths, both in the concealment of goods past customs, and thin counterfeit ones that are good for nowhere, and in silver cast with copper and in spun gold and silver were found and exposed, and such bad goods would not have been in foreign cities, not only to carry to Moscow. But in all states they warn against this, and such people are ordered to let go of goods with the bad ones, and for guilt and their stomachs they are served according to the rights of Gradtsky, and this would no longer be in foreign cities. Given from the Embassy to the order of April on the 22nd day of the 175th year.

And on April 24, by decree of the Grand Sovereign, Tsar and Grand Duke Alexei Mikhailovich (title), these are the articles written off into a sheet of Alexandrian papers in a notebook on the back and given to the Galanians and Anburians to the solicitor foreigner Grigory Nikolaev. And he was ordered to announce those articles by a Galan and Anbur, a trading foreigner, so that they were in charge of trade in such a charter and overseas about how they repaired a statement from where overseas goods come to the Russian state.

And according to the personal decree of the Grand Sovereign Tsar and Grand Duke Alexei Mikhailovich (title) in the Ambassadorial Order, the boyar Afonasey Lavrentievich Ordin-Nashchokin, and the duma clerks Garasim Dokhturov and Lukyan Golosov with comrades on the petition hand of all Moscow guests and black settlements and pink cities of the best and middle trade people about trade with foreigners spoke with them, and as a great sovereign, the treasury of duties on all goods without offense to a large collection, and from violent and deceitful foreign goods to Moscow and in border cities and throughout Great Russia to the defense of life. And with honest foreigners with border neighbors and overseas to the council and to the livelihoods to the best bargaining against the popular petition of being a fishery.

The report extracts have authentic articles, and from those articles, for the knowledge of an overseas foreigner, they made a charter and handwritten inscriptions on May 175 on the 7th day.

From this letter, translator Andrey Vinius translated the Posolsky order. And it's written in translation. From this right new trade charter, Grigory Nikolaev, from the Ambassador's order, accepted the list with all the articles of the language, and signed it with his own hand. Andrei Vinius put his hand.

For signature sheets:

Vasily Shorin, a guest, attached this trade charter.

The guest Fyodor Yuryev had a hand in this trade charter.

The guest Matthew Antonov had a hand in this trade charter.

The guest Semyon Levashev had a hand in this trade charter.

The guest Stepan Gorbov had a hand in this trade charter.

The guest Semyon Potapov had a hand in this trade charter.

The guest Ivan Khudyakov had a hand in this trade charter.

The guest Alexei Sukhanov had a hand in this trade charter.

Ivan Pankratiev had a hand in this trade charter.

The guest Ivan Klimshin had a hand in this trade charter.

Kipreyan Klimshin had a hand in this trade charter.

To this trade charter the guest Averkey Kirilov, and in the place of the guest Afonassy Fedotov, in accordance with his petition, put his hand.

Malyuta Filimonov had a hand in this trade charter of the cloth hundreds.

The woolen hundreds of Yakushko Laboznov had a hand in this trade charter.

The gardener Vasily Belsky, in his father's place, put his hand to this trade charter.

Ostashko Koshun had a hand in this trading charter.

Fyodor Klimshin had a hand in this trading charter for the living room of a hundred.

The gardener Bogdan Andronikov, and in the place of Sadovye Slobody of the headman Ivan Zhgumi, according to his petition, put his hand to this trade charter.

Matyushka Mogutov had a hand in this trading charter for the living room of a hundred. Dmitry Parfeniev put his hand in.

Yakim Olisov had a hand in this trade charter.

Volodimer Voronin had a hand in this trade charter Sadovye Sloboda.

The gardener Spiridon Shapochnikov had a hand in this trade charter.

The gardener Pyotr Shchegolin had a hand in this trade charter.

To this trading charter of the Church of the Great Martyr of Christ George, in Endov, priest Afanasey Nikiforov, instead of trading people of his spiritual children, according to their petition, had a hand.

To this trade charter of the Ogorodnaya Sloboda, the headman Senka Fedorov son Chirev, and instead of the same Ogorodnaya Sloboda Ivan Mikhalev, according to his petition, put his hand.

Headman Grishka Shustov had a hand in this trade charter of Kodashevskaya Sloboda.

Afonka Chirev had a hand in this trade charter of Ogorodnaya Sloboda.

Headman Senko Grigoriev had a hand in this trade charter of the Kadashevsky settlement.

Andryushka Luzin had a hand in this trade charter for living hundreds.

The gardener Ivashka Isakov had a hand in this trade charter.

Vasily Yudin had a hand in this trading charter for the living room of a hundred.

Borin had a hand in this trade charter of the Senka cloth hundred.

Headman Kuzemka Borin had a hand in this trade charter of the cloth hundred.

Mitka Almaznikov had a hand in this trade charter.

To this trade charter, the Kadashevite Galka Vlasov, in place of Alexei Ivanov, the son of Ragozin, had a hand in it.

Vasily Shilovtsov had a hand in this trade charter of the cloth hundred.

Fetka Shchepotkin had a hand in this trading charter of the Butcher's Fifty.

Kodashev's Ivan Yakovlev, and in place of Philip Savelyev, had a hand in this trade charter.

Yushka Chulaev (?) had a hand in this trade charter of the cloth hundreds. Ekim Nechaev put his hand in.

Andrey Myadyntsov, and in the place of the Pokrovskaya village (loboda) of Vasily Nikitin and the Ponkratievskaya settlement of the elder (you) Perfilyev, at their command, had a hand in this trade charter of the Golutvinnaya so (tni).

To this trade charter, the Kadashevite Ageiko Martinov son Lomtev, and in the place of the Kadashevite Semyon Timofeev, at will, put his hand.

Boris Lazarev, in place of the Nougorodsk hundreds of Sotzkov, Elizary Ananin, and the Orda hundreds of Sotzkov Prokofya Fedorov, and the Vorontsov hundreds of the elder Sergiy Ivanov, and the Ustyug fifty of Sotzkov Ekim Fedorov, in their petition, had a hand in this trade charter.

Kondratei Dobrynin, a Kodashevite, had a hand in this trade charter.

By this trade charter of the Novomininskaya settlement, the headman Levontey Danilov, and in the place of the Semenovskaya settlement of the headman Kondraty Grigoriev and the Olekseevskaya settlement of the headman Danila Sergeeva, according to their petition, had a hand in it.

The gardener Pavel Kozmin had a hand in this trade charter.

To this trade charter Kuznetsk settlements the headman Mikiforka Vasiliev, and in the place of the Kazhevnitsky headman Konan Ivanov and instead of the Ekaterininsky settlements the headman Makara Ivanov, at their command, put his hand.

Semyon Sverchkov had a hand in this trade charter.

Ivashko Isaev, and in the place of Ivan Ipatov, the same settlement, at his command, put his hand to this trading charter.

Fetka Osipov had a hand in this trade charter of Dmitrov's hundreds of sotskaya.

Zilka Pogorelkin had a hand in this trade charter.

Barash Maksimko Andreev, in the place of the headman Akinfey Petrov, at his command, put his hand to this trade charter.

To this trade charter of the Goncharnaya Sloboda Kuska Zinoviev, in the place of the Goncharnaya Sloboda of the headman Andrey Porfiliev, at his command, put his hand.

To this trading charter of the Goncharnaya settlement, the Teglets, in the places of the Basmanny settlement of the headman of Peter Ivanov, at his command, put his hand.

To this statutory auction of Pokrovsky hundreds Senka, Nikitin's son, in the place of the headman of the Koshevny rawhide settlements of Alexei Yakovlev, at his command, put his hand.

Danilko Iivlev had a hand in this statutory bargaining Prhovsky hundreds.

Headman Mikitka Fedov (Fedorov?) To this trading charter of the Bolshoy Konyushennaya Sloboda, and in place of the paternal Konyushenny Sloboda headman Akinfek Ivanov, at his command, put his hand.

To this trade charter of the Vologda residents of the Posak people, the worldly solicitor Demka Maslyanikov, and in the place of Gavril Fetiev, had a hand in it.

Vologda citizen Ivashko Ivanov had a hand in this trade charter.

To this trade charter Danilka Kirilov, a Novgorodian from Posatsk, and in place of Stepan Nikiforov, a Novgorodian from Posatsk, put his hand at his command.

Yakimko Epimakhov, a Vologda inhabitant of the Posatsk people, put his hand to this trade charter, and, at his command, put his hand in the place of Yakov Vasilyev, the son of Krivoshchekov.

Andryushka Blaksin, a Pskovitin Posatsky man, put his hand to this trade charter, and in place of the Pskovitin Posatsky man, Davyd Bakhorov.

Literature:

Ikonnikov B.C. Near boyar A.L. Ordin-Nashchokin. - In the book: Russian antiquity. 1883, no. l0–11
Galaktionov I.V., Chistyakova E.V. A.L.Ordin-Nashchokin - Russian diplomat of the 17th century. M., 1961



From a number of employees of Tsar Alexei, the most remarkable of the Moscow statesmen of the 17th century stands out as a sharp figure. Afanasy Lavrentievich Ordin-Nashchokin. Moscow statesman of the 17th century! The expression itself may seem like an abuse of modern political terminology. statesman - after all, this means a developed political mind, capable of observing, understanding and directing social movements, with an independent view of the issues of the time, with a developed program of action, finally, with a certain scope for political activity- a whole series of conditions, the presence of which we are not accustomed to assume in the old Muscovite state.

A. L. Ordin-Nashchokin

Yes, until the 17th century. these conditions are really not noticeable in the state of the Moscow autocrats, and it is difficult to look for statesmen at their court. The course of state affairs was then guided by routine and by the will of the sovereign. The personal mind hid behind order, the face served only as an instrument of the sovereign's will; but both order and this very will were subject to the still stronger influence of custom, tradition. In the 17th century, however, Muscovite state life began to forge other paths for itself. The old custom, the routine, was shaken; a strong demand began for the mind, for personal strength, and the will of Tsar Alexei Mikhailovich, for the common good, was ready to submit to any strong and well-intentioned mind.

Tsar Alexei, I said, created in the Russian society of the 17th century. transformative mood. The first place in the series of state businessmen, captured by such a mood, undoubtedly belongs to the most brilliant of the employees of Tsar Alexei, the most energetic herald of the transformative aspirations of his time, the boyar Afanasy Lavrentievich Ordin-Nashchokin. This businessman is doubly curious for us, because he led the double preparation of the reform of Peter the Great. Firstly, none of the Moscow state businessmen of the 17th century. he did not express as many transformative ideas and plans as he did, which Peter later carried out. Then, Ordin-Nashchokin had to not only act in a new way, but also create the environment for his activities himself.

By origin, he did not belong to the society in which he had to act. The privileged nursery of political businessmen in the Muscovite state was the old well-born boyars, who looked disdainfully at the mass of the provincial nobility. Ordin-Nashchokin was perhaps the first provincial nobleman who made his way into the circle of this arrogant nobility, and behind him a string of his provincial brethren was already stretching, soon breaking the dense ranks of the boyar aristocracy.

Afanasy Lavrentievich was the son of a very modest Pskov landowner; in the Pskov and nearby Toropetsk districts, a whole family nest of the Nashchokins huddled, which came from one prominent serviceman at the Moscow court of the 16th century. Our Afanasy Lavrentievich also came out of this nest, which had become rundown after his ancestor. He became famous even under Tsar Michael: he was repeatedly appointed to the embassy commissions to demarcate the borders with Sweden. At the beginning of Alekseev's reign, Ordin-Nashchokin was already considered in his homeland a prominent businessman and a zealous servant of the Moscow government. That is why, during the Pskov rebellion of 1650, the rebels intended to kill him. When this rebellion was pacified by the Moscow regiments, Ordin-Nashchokin showed a lot of zeal and skill. Since then, he has gone uphill.

When the war with Poland broke out in 1654, he was entrusted with an extremely difficult post: with small military forces, he had to guard the Moscow border from Lithuania and Livonia. He did an excellent job with the task assigned to him. In 1656, the war with Sweden began, and the tsar himself set off on a campaign near Riga. When the Muscovite troops took one of the Livonian cities on the Dvina, Kokenhausen (the old Russian Kukeynos, which once belonged to the Polotsk princes), Nashchokin was appointed governor of this and other newly conquered cities. In this position, Ordin-Nashchokin does very important military and diplomatic affairs: he guards the border, conquers Livonian towns, and corresponds with the Polish authorities; no important diplomatic business is done without his participation. In 1658, through his efforts, the Valiesar truce with Sweden was concluded, the terms of which exceeded the expectations of Tsar Alexei himself.

In 1665, Ordin-Nashchokin served as governor in his native Pskov. Finally, he rendered the most important and difficult service to the Moscow government: after tedious eight-month negotiations with the Polish representatives, he concluded in January 1667 in Andrusovo a truce with Poland, which put an end to the devastating thirteen-year war for both sides. In these negotiations, Nashchokin showed a lot of diplomatic ingenuity and ability to get along with foreigners and pulled out from the Poles not only the Smolensk and Seversk lands and eastern Little Russia, but also from western Kyiv with the district. Conclusion Andrusovo truce put Athanasius very high in the Moscow government, made him loud diplomatic fame. Doing all these things, Nashchokin quickly climbed the official ladder. City nobleman by country, by origin, after the conclusion of the aforementioned truce, he was granted boyars and was appointed chief steward of the Posolsky Prikaz with the loud title of "the royal great seal and the state's great embassy affairs guardian", that is, he became the state chancellor.

Riga. Mid 17th century

Such was Nashchokin's service career. His homeland had some significance in his destiny. The Pskov region, bordering on Livonia, has long been in close relations with neighboring Germans and Swedes. Early acquaintance with foreigners and frequent relations with them gave Nashchokin the opportunity to carefully observe and study the countries closest to Russia. Western Europe. This was further facilitated by the fact that in his youth Ordin-Nashchokin was somehow fortunate enough to receive a good education: he knew, they spoke, mathematics, Latin and German. Service circumstances forced him to get acquainted with the Polish language. So he prepared early and thoroughly for the role of a businessman in the relations of the Muscovite state with the European West.

His comrades in the service said about him that he "knows the German business and knows the German customs." Careful observation of foreign orders and the habit of comparing them with domestic ones made Nashchokin an ardent admirer of Western Europe and a cruel critic. domestic life. Thus, he renounced national isolation and exclusivity and developed his own special political thinking: he was the first to proclaim in our country the rule that “it is not a shame for a good person to learn from outside, from strangers, even from his enemies.” After him, a number of papers, official reports, notes or reports to the tsar on various political issues remained.

These are very interesting documents to characterize both Nashchokin himself and the transformative movement of his time. It can be seen that the author is a talker and a lively pen; not without reason even the enemies admitted that Athanasius knew how to write in a "subjunctive" manner. He also had another, even rarer quality - a subtle, tenacious and capacious mind, able to quickly grasp a given situation and combine the conditions of the minute in his own way. He was a master of peculiar and unexpected political constructions. It was hard to argue with him. Thoughtful and resourceful, he sometimes made foreign diplomats with whom he negotiated out of patience, and they blamed him for the difficulty of dealing with him: he would not miss the slightest mistake, no inconsistency in diplomatic dialectics, now he would hook and confuse a mistaken or short-sighted enemy, will poison him with pure intentions, inspired by him himself, for which the Polish commissars once blamed him, talking with him.

This direction of mind was combined in him with a restless conscience, with the habit of pricking people's eyes with their incompetence. He considered it his duty to grumble for truth and common sense, and even found great pleasure in it. In his letters and reports to the tsar, one note sounds the sharpest: they are all full of incessant and often very bitter complaints about the Moscow people and the Moscow order. Ordin-Nashchokin always grumbles about everything, is dissatisfied with everything: government institutions and order customs, military organization, mores and concepts of society. His sympathies and antipathies, little shared by others, created for him an awkward, ambiguous position in Moscow society. His attachment to the Western European order and the censure of his own were liked by foreigners who were close to him, who condescendingly recognized him as a "intelligent imitator" of their customs. But this same thing made him many enemies among his own people and gave rise to his Moscow unkindness to laugh at him, to call him a "foreigner." The ambiguity of his position was further enhanced by his origin and character. Friends and foes recognized him as a man of sharp mind, with whom he would go far; by this he offended many oncoming vanities, and all the more so since he did not follow the usual path to which he was destined by origin, and his harsh and somewhat perky disposition did not soften these collisions.

Nashchokin was a stranger among the Moscow official world and, as a political novice, had to take his official position with a fight, feeling that his every step forward increases the number of his enemies, especially among the Moscow boyar nobility. This situation developed his peculiar manner of holding himself among a society hostile to him. He knew that his only support was the tsar, who did not like arrogance, and, trying to secure this support for himself, Nashchokin covered himself before the tsar from his enemies with the appearance of a driven modest, humility to the point of self-abasement. He does not value his service highly, but he does not place the service of his noble enemies higher, and everywhere he complains bitterly about them. “In front of all people,” he writes to the tsar, “for your sovereign cause, no one is hated as much as I am,” he calls himself “a slandered and hated little man who does not have where to lay his sinful head.”

In case of any difficulty or clash with influential enemies, he asks the king to dismiss him from service as an inconvenient and inept servant, from whom the state interest can only suffer. “They hate the sovereign’s business for the sake of me, your serf,” he writes to the tsar and asks “to throw away your disgusted serf from the business.” But Athanasius knew his own worth, and one could say about his modesty that it was a feigned humility more than pride, which did not prevent him from considering himself directly a person not of this world. “If I were from the world, the world would love its own,” he wrote to the king, complaining about the general hostility towards himself. It is disgusting for thoughtful people to listen to his reports and advice, because "they do not see the path of truth and their hearts are emaciated with envy." An evil irony sounds in his words when he writes to the tsar about the governmental superiority of the boyar nobility in comparison with his thin person. “Thoughtful people don’t need me, they don’t need such great state affairs ... It’s worthy to be from the near boyars in such affairs: great clans, and many friends, they know how to have an extensive meaning in everything and know how to live; I give you, great sovereign, my cross kiss, I don’t dare to keep it for myself due to the lack of my little mind.

The king long and persistently supported the wayward and passionate businessman, patiently endured his boring complaints and reproaches, assured him that he had nothing to fear, that he would not be betrayed to anyone, threatened his enemies with great disgrace for enmity with Athanasius and provided him with considerable scope for activity.

A. Vasnetsov. Covered Resurrection Bridge in the 17th century

Thanks to this, Ordin-Nashchokin was able not only to discover his administrative and diplomatic talents, but also to develop, even partially implement his political plans. In his letters to the tsar, he more condemns the existing or argues with opponents than sets out his program. However, in his papers, one can accumulate a significant stock of ideas and projects that, with proper practical development, could and have become for a long time the guiding principles of domestic and foreign policy.

The first idea, on which Nashchokin stubbornly stands, was to take a model from the West in everything, to do everything "using the example of third-party foreign lands." This is the starting point of his reformative plans; but not everything should be taken indiscriminately from strangers. “What do we care about foreign customs,” he used to say, “their dress is not for us, and ours is not for them.” He was one of the few Westerners who thought about what can and what should not be borrowed, looking for agreements between a common European culture and national identity. Then Nashchokin could not reconcile himself with the spirit and habits of the Moscow administration, whose activities were immoderately guided by personal accounts and relationships, and not by the interest of the state business entrusted to this or that businessman. “In our country,” he writes, “they love a business or hate it, looking not at the cause, but at the person who does it: they don’t love me, and therefore they neglect my business.”

When the tsar expressed displeasure to Nashchokin for his disagreements with one or another noble envious person, Athanasius replied that he had no personal enmity, but “my heart hurts about the sovereign’s business and does not let me be silent when I see someone’s negligence in the sovereign’s business.” So, the point is in the deed, and not in the faces - this is the second rule that Nashchokin was guided by. His main career was diplomacy, and he was a diplomat of the first magnitude, according to his contemporaries, even foreigners; at least he was perhaps the first of the Russian statesmen to make foreigners respect him. The Englishman Collins, the doctor of Tsar Alexei, directly calls Nashchokin a great politician who will not yield to any of the European ministers. But he also respected his work. Diplomacy is, in his opinion, the main function government controlled, and only worthy people can take on such a thing. “For state affairs,” he wrote, “it is fitting to direct the mind’s eye to blameless and elected people to expand the state from all sides, and this is the business of one Ambassadorial order.”

I. Brandt. Departure of the Polish King Jan Sobieski

Nashchokin had his own diplomatic plans, peculiar views on the tasks of Moscow's foreign policy. He had to act at the moment when the most sensitive questions were posed point-blank, feeding the irreconcilable enmity of the Muscovite state with Poland and Sweden, questions about Little Russia, about the Baltic coast. Circumstances put Nashchokin in the very whirlpool of relations and clashes caused by these questions. But he did not feel dizzy in this whirlpool: in complicated cases, he knew how to separate the important from the noisy, the attractive from the useful, the dream from the achievable. He saw that in the situation at that time and with the available funds of the Muscovite state, it was impossible for him to solve in full the Little Russian question, that is, the question of the reunification of South-Western Russia with Great Russia. That is why he was inclined towards peace and even towards a close alliance with Poland, and although he knew well, as he put it, "the shaky, soulless and fickle Polish people," he expected various benefits from an alliance with him.

By the way, he hoped, the Turkish Christians, Moldavians and Volokhi, having heard about this union, would secede from the Turks, and then all the children of the Eastern Church, living from the Danube right up to the borders of Great Russia and now separated by hostile Poland, would merge into a numerous Christian people, patronized by the Orthodox Tsar of Moscow, and the Swedish intrigues, which are possible only during the Russian-Polish strife, will stop by themselves. In 1667, to the Polish ambassadors who came to Moscow to confirm the Andrusov Treaty, Nashchokin, in an animated speech, developed his dreams of what great glory all Slavic peoples would cover and what great enterprises would be crowned with success if the tribes inhabiting our states and almost all Slavic speakers from the Adriatic to the German Sea and to the North Ocean have united, and what glory awaits both states in the future, when they, standing at the head of the Slavic peoples, unite under one power.

Busy about a close alliance with an age-old enemy and even dreaming of a dynastic union with Poland under the rule of the Muscovite tsar or his son, Nashchokin made an extremely sharp turn in Moscow's foreign policy. He had his own reasons to justify such a change in the course of affairs. The Little Russian question in his eyes was still a matter of secondary importance. If, he wrote, the Cherkasy (Cossacks) are cheating, are they worth standing up for them? Indeed, with the annexation of eastern Little Russia, the main knot of this issue was untied, Poland ceased to be dangerous for Moscow, which had firmly established itself on the upper and middle Dnieper. Moreover, it was impossible to keep temporarily ceded Kyiv forever and annex western Little Russia without committing an international untruth, without violating the Andrusovo truce. And Nashchokin was one of the rare diplomats who possessed diplomatic conscientiousness, a quality that diplomacy was reluctant to put up with even then. He did not want to do anything without the truth: “It is better to truly accept the end of my evil belly and be forever free than it is contrary to doing the truth.” Therefore, when Hetman Doroshenko with western Little Russia, having seceded from Poland, succumbed to the Turkish sultan, and then expressed his consent to become under the high hand of the Tsar of Moscow, Nashchokin, to a request from Moscow whether Doroshenko could be accepted into citizenship, responded with a strong protest against such a violation of treaties, expressed even resentment that he is being addressed with such incorrect requests. In his opinion, the matter should have been conducted in such a way that the Poles themselves, having reasonably weighed their own and Moscow's interests, in order to strengthen the Russian-Polish alliance against the infidels and to calm the Ukraine, voluntarily ceded to Moscow and Kyiv, and even all of western Little Russia, “and impudently write about that to Poland is impossible.

Even before the armistice in Andrusovo, Nashchokin convinced the tsar that “it is necessary to put up with the Polish king in moderation”, on moderate terms, so that the Poles would not later look for the first opportunity to take revenge: “take Polotsk and Vitebsk, and if the Poles become stubborn, then these cities are not necessary ". In his report on the need for a close alliance with Poland, Nashchokin even gave a careless allusion to the possibility of retreating from the whole of Little Russia, and not only from the west, in order to strengthen the alliance. But the king ardently rebelled against such cowardice of his favorite and very energetically expressed his indignation. “This article,” the king answered him, “was put aside and ordered to be thrown out, because it is obscene, and for the fact that they found in it one and a half minds, one solid mind and half of the second, swayed by the wind. It is unworthy for a dog to eat even one piece of Orthodox bread (it is not fitting for the Poles to own western Little Russia either): only that, not by our will, but for sins, it will be committed. But if both pieces of holy bread go to the dog - oh, what excuse will he accept for allowing this? He will be rewarded with hell, hellish fire and merciless torment. Human! go in peace along the royal middle path, as you began, so finish, do not deviate either to the right or to the left; The Lord is with you!” And the stubborn man surrendered to the pious sigh of his sovereign, whom he sometimes did not directly obey, and firmly grabbed onto another piece of Orthodox bread, pulling Kyiv from the western, along with eastern Little Russia, from the Poles in Andrusovo.

R. Stein. Bogdan Khmelnitsky swears allegiance to the Russian Tsar

The idea of ​​uniting all the Slavs under the amicable leadership of Moscow and Poland was Nashchokin's political idyll. As a practical businessman, he was more concerned with interests of a more businesslike nature. His diplomatic gaze turned in all directions, carefully looking everywhere or carefully preparing new profits for the treasury and the people. He tried to arrange trade relations with Persia and Central Asia, with Khiva and Bukhara, equipped an embassy to India, looked at the Far East, at China, thinking about the arrangement of the Cossack colonization of the Amur region. But in these searches, in the foreground, of course, the nearest western side, the Baltic Sea, remained in his eyes. Guided by economic considerations no less than by national-political ones, he understood the commercial, industrial and cultural significance of this sea for Russia, and therefore his attention was intensely turned to Sweden, namely to Livonia, which, in his opinion, should have been obtained by all means. it became: from this acquisition he expected enormous benefits for Russian industry and the tsar's treasury.

Carried away by the ideas of his businessman, Tsar Alexei looked in the same direction, fussed about the return of the former Russian possessions, about acquiring "sea havens" - the harbors of Narva, Ivan-gorod, Oreshka and the entire course of the Neva River with the Swedish fortress Kantsy (Nienschanz), where later Petersburg arose. But Nashchokin looked at the matter more broadly here too: he argued that because of the little things one should not lose sight of the main goal, that Narva, Oreshek - all these are unimportant points; you need to get straight to the sea, acquire Riga, the pier of which opens the nearest direct route to Western Europe. To form a coalition against Sweden in order to take away Livonia from her - this was Nashchokin's cherished thought, which was the soul of his diplomatic plan. To do this, he fussed about peace with the Crimean Khan, about an alliance with Poland, sacrificing western Little Russia. This thought was not crowned with success; but Peter the Great completely inherited these thoughts of his father's minister.

However, Nashchokin's political outlook was not limited to foreign policy issues. Nashchokin in his own way looked at the order internal management in the Muscovite state: he was dissatisfied with both the device and the course of this administration. He rebelled against the excessive regulation that dominated the Moscow administration. Here everything rested on the most shy guardianship of the highest central institutions over subordinate executors: the executive bodies were blind instruments of orders given to them from above. Nashchokin demanded a certain scope for the performers: “it is not necessary to wait for the sovereign’s decree in everything,” he wrote, “everywhere a voivodship review is necessary,” that is, an action of the commissioner’s own consideration. He pointed to the example of the West, where a knowledgeable commander is placed at the head of the army, who himself sends out decrees to subordinate commanders, and does not require a decree from the capital for every trifle. “Where the eye sees and the ear hears, here it is necessary to hold the fishery urgently,” he wrote. But demanding independence for the performers, he imposes on them a great responsibility. Not according to a decree, not according to custom and routine, but according to circumstances, the administration must act in minutes. Such activity, based on the personal ingenuity of the businessman, Nashchokin calls "fishing." Brute force means little. “Better than any power is craft; the point is in fishing, and not in the fact that there are many people; and there are many people, but there is no industrialist, so nothing will come of it; here the Swede of all neighboring sovereigns is more deserted, and takes over all by fishery; no one dares to take away the will of the industrialist from him; sell half of the army and buy an industrialist - and that will be more profitable.

Finally, in the administrative activities of Nashchokin, we notice a feature that most of all bribes us in his favor: this is, with exactingness and diligence, attentiveness to subordinates, unparalleled in Moscow management, participation of the heart, feelings of humanity in relation to the governed, the desire to spare their strength, to put them in such a position in which they, with the least expenditure of effort, could bring the most benefit to the state. During the Swedish war in the conquered region along the Western Dvina, Russian Reiters and Don Cossacks began to rob and torture the townsfolk, although they had already sworn allegiance to the Moscow Tsar. Nashchokin, then sitting as governor in Kukeynos, was indignant to the depths of his soul at such a predatory way of waging war; his heart bled from the complaints of the ruined population. He wrote to the king that he had to send help against both enemies and his robbers. “It would be better if I saw the wounds on myself, if only innocent people would not tolerate such blood; It would be better if I agreed to be in an irreversible prison, if only I would not live here and not see such evil misfortunes over people. Tsar Alexei was most capable of appreciating this quality in his collaborator. In a charter of 1658, raising Nashchokin to the duma nobles, the tsar praises him for “that he feeds the greedy, thirsty water, clothes the naked, caresses to military men, and does not let down thieves.”

Such are the administrative views and methods of Nashchokin. He made several attempts to put his ideas into practice. Observations on the life of Western Europe led him to realize the main shortcoming of the Moscow state administration, which consisted in the fact that this administration was aimed solely at the exploitation of people's labor, and not at the development of the country's productive forces. National economic interests were sacrificed for fiscal purposes and valued by the government only as an auxiliary means of the treasury. From this consciousness flowed the eternal talk of Nashchokin about the development of industry and trade in the Muscovite state. He was almost the first to grasp the idea that the national economy in itself should be one of the main subjects of state administration. Nashchokin was one of the first political economists in Russia. But in order for the industrial class to be able to act more productively, it was necessary to free it from the yoke of command administration. Governing Pskov, Nashchokin tried to apply here his project of urban self-government, taken "from the example of third-party foreign lands", that is, Western Europe. This is the only case of its kind in the history of local Moscow government in the 17th century, which is not even devoid of some drama and vividly characterizes both Nashchokin himself, his culprit, and the order in which he had to act.

Arriving in Pskov in March 1665, the new governor found a terrible turmoil in his native city. He saw a great enmity between the townspeople: the "best", wealthiest merchants, using their power in the city public administration, offended the "middle and small people" in the allocation of taxes and in outfits for state services, conducted city affairs "of their own will", without the knowledge the rest of society; both were ruined by litigation and ordered untruth; goods were transported duty-free from abroad to Pskov and from Pskov abroad; low-income merchants, having no working capital, secretly took money from the Germans for a contract, bought Russian goods cheaper and sold them as their own, or rather, passed them on to their trustees, being content with a negligible commission earnings, “out of a small subsistence”; in this way they utterly knocked down the prices of Russian goods, severely undermined real capitalists, owed foreigners unpaid, and went bankrupt. Nashchokin, shortly after his arrival, proposed to the Pskov township community a number of measures that the zemstvo elders of Pskov, having gathered with the best people in the zemstvo hut (city government) "for a common national council", were to discuss with all diligence. Here, with the participation of the voivode, “articles on the urban organization” were developed, a kind of regulation on the public administration of the city of Pskov with its suburbs in 17 articles. The regulation was approved in Moscow and earned the Tsar's gracious praise to the voivode for service and zeal, and to the Pskov zemstvo elders and all the townspeople "for their good advice and zeal in all sorts of good deeds."

Ivan-city fortress. Laid down in 1492

The most important articles of the regulation concern the transformation of the township public administration and court and the regulation of foreign trade, one of the most active nerves of the economic life of the Pskov region. The township society of the city of Pskov selects 15 people from its midst for three years, of which five take turns conducting city affairs in the zemstvo hut for a year. These "zemstvo elected people" are in charge of the city's economic management, supervision of the sale of liquor, customs duties and trade relations between Pskovites and foreigners; they also judge townspeople in trade and other matters; only the most important criminal offenses, treason, robbery and murder, remain under the jurisdiction of the governors. So the Pskov governor voluntarily gave up a significant share of his power in favor of city government. In especially important city affairs, another third of the elected confer with the rest and even calls for advice. the best people from the township society.

Nashchokin saw the main shortcomings of Russian trade in that "Russian people in trade are weak in front of each other", unstable, not used to acting in unison and easily fall into dependence on foreigners. The main reasons for this instability are the lack of capital, mutual distrust and lack of convenient credit. The articles of the Pskov regulation on trade with foreigners were aimed at eliminating these shortcomings. Small-scale merchants are distributed "according to quality and acquaintance" among the big capitalists, who oversee their trades. The zemstvo hut gives them loans from the city sums for the purchase of Russian export goods. For trade with foreigners, two two-week duty-free fairs are established near Pskov, on January 6 and May 9. For these fairs, small merchants, on a loan received, with the support of the capitalists to whom they are assigned, buy up exported goods, register them in the zemstvo hut and transfer them to their principals; they pay them the purchase price of the goods accepted for a new purchase for the next fair and give them a “surplus” to this purchase price “for feeding”, and having sold the entrusted goods to foreigners at the established high prices, give their clients the “full profit” due to them, a company dividend . Such an arrangement of the merchant class was supposed to concentrate the turnover of foreign trade in a few strong hands who would be able to keep the prices of native goods at a proper height.

A. Vasnetsov. 17th century bazaar

Such peculiar commercial partnerships were designed to enable the upper trading stratum to come closer to the townspeople, which means to appease the social enmity that Nashchokin had found in Pskov. The calculation could be based on the mutual benefits of both parties, patrons and clients: strong capitalists delivered good profits to low-power associates, and the latter did not spoil the prices of strong ones. It is also important that these partnerships were attached to the city government, which became a loan bank for those with low credit and control for their patrons: the township society of the city of Pskov, with the dependence of the suburbs on it, was able to manage the foreign trade of the entire region through its judicial and administrative body. But social strife prevented the success of the reform. The small-minded townspeople of Pskov accepted the new position as a royal favor, but the "subsistence people", the rich, the city tycoons, resisted him and found support in the capital. One can imagine how “hated” Nashchokin’s enterprise was met by the Moscow boyars and the prikaz world: here they saw in it only a daring encroachment on the primordial rights and habits of the governors and clerks for the sake of the taxing townsman peasants. One can marvel at how Nashchokin, in 8 months of the voivodeship, managed not only to think over the idea and plan of a complex reform, but also to possess the fussy details of its implementation. Nashchokin's successor in Pskov, Prince Khovansky, a swaggering champion of boyar claims, a "talker", as he was called in Moscow, a talker and a braggart, whom "everyone called a fool", in the words of Tsar Alexei, presented Nashchokin's Pskov case to the sovereign in such a light that the tsar canceled him, despite his opinion of the prince, yielding to his weakness - to decide things on the last impression.

Nashchokin did not like to surrender to either enemies or hostile circumstances. He believed in his Pskov reform so much that he fell into self-delusion with his critical mind, so well adjusted to the study of other people's mistakes. In the Pskov city regulation, he expresses the hope that when these Pskov "city rights among the people are established and arranged," despite that, residents of other cities will hope that they will be granted the same dispensation. But in Moscow they decided just the opposite: in Pskov it is not appropriate to have a special local order, "one cannot be able to have such a charter in Pskov alone." However, in 1667, having become the head of the Posolsky Prikaz, in his introduction to the Novotrade Charter that he then carried out, Nashchokin did not deny himself the pleasure, although completely fruitless, of repeating his Pskov thoughts about issuing loans to insufficient merchants from the Moscow customs and city zemstvo huts, about so that low-income merchants would form with big capitalists in order to maintain high prices for Russian exported goods, etc. In this charter, Nashchokin took another step forward in his plans for organizing Russian industry and trade.

Already in 1665, the Pskov townspeople petitioned in Moscow to be in charge of all their affairs in one order, and not to be dragged along by various Moscow institutions, suffering futile insults and ruin. In the Novotragovy statute, Nashchokin suggested a special order that would be in charge of merchant people and serve them in border towns as a defense against other states and in all towns as protection and control from voivodship harassment. This Order of merchant affairs had to become the predecessor of the Moscow City Hall established by Peter the Great or the Burmister Chamber, which was in charge of the entire urban commercial and industrial population of the state.

Such are the transformative plans and experiments of Nashchokin. One can marvel at the breadth and novelty of his ideas, the variety of his activities: he was a prolific mind with a direct and simple view of things. In whatever sphere of state administration Nashchokin fell into, he subjected to severe criticism the orders established in it and gave a more or less clear plan for its transformation. He made several military experiments, noticed shortcomings in the military structure and proposed a project for its transformation. He recognized the equestrian militia of the city nobles as completely unsuitable for combat and considered it necessary to replace it with a militia trained in a foreign system of foot and horse "subsistence people", recruits. Obviously, this is a passing thought about a regular army, completed with recruit sets from all classes. Whatever new things are thought of in Moscow, whether the establishment of a fleet on the Baltic or the Caspian Sea, the organization of foreign mail, even simply the cultivation of beautiful gardens with trees and flowers issued from abroad, Ordin-Nashchokin was always standing or supposed to be in every new business. At one time, there were even rumors in Moscow that he was revising Russian laws, restructuring the entire state, and precisely in the spirit of decentralization, in the sense of weakening the capital's command guardianship over local governments, with which Nashchokin fought all his life. It is to be regretted that he did not manage to do all that he could do; his uncompromising and obstinate character put a premature end to his state activities.

R. Kosmakov. Sofia Kyiv

Nashchokin did not have complete agreement with the tsar in his views on the tasks of foreign policy. Remaining a completely correct diplomat, the culprit of the Andrusov treaty firmly stood for its exact execution, that is, for the possibility of returning Kyiv to Poland, which the tsar considered undesirable, even downright sinful. This disagreement gradually cooled the sovereign to his favorite. Appointed in 1671 for new negotiations with Poland, in which he was to destroy his own business, violate the agreement with the Poles, sealed just a year ago by his oath, Nashchokin refused to fulfill the order, and in February 1672, hegumen of the Pskov Krypetsk hermitage Tarasy tonsured Athanasius a monk under the name of Anthony. He wrote down the day of his resignation, December 2, 1671, when the tsar, with all the boyars, “graciously let him go and clearly freed him from all worldly fuss.” Monk Anthony's last worldly concerns were concentrated on the almshouse he had set up in Pskov. He died in 1680.

Ordin-Nashchokin warned Peter in many ways and was the first to express many ideas that the reformer implemented. He was a bold, self-confident bureaucrat who knew his own worth, but at the same time caring and benevolent to the governed, with an active and businesslike mind; in everything and above all, he had in mind the state interest, the common good. He did not settle down in the routine, everywhere he vigilantly noticed the shortcomings of the existing order, rightly considered the means for eliminating them, sensitively guessed the tasks that were in the queue. Possessing a strong practical meaning, he did not set distant goals, too broad tasks. Knowing how to find himself in various fields of activity, he tried to arrange any business using cash. But repeating incessantly about the shortcomings of the current order, he did not touch on its foundations, he thought of correcting it in parts.

In his mind, the obscure transformative impulses of Alekseev's time for the first time began to be clothed in distinct projects and take shape in a coherent plan of reform; but this was not a radical plan that required a general breakdown: Nashchokin was far from being an unreasonable innovator. His reform program boiled down to three main requirements: to improve government institutions and official discipline, to choose conscientious and skillful administrators, and to increase government profits, state revenues by raising the national wealth through the development of industry and trade ...

I began with a remark about the possibility of the emergence of a statesman in our country in the 17th century. If you think about the vicissitudes, thoughts, feelings, all the vicissitudes of the described state activity of a far from ordinary mind and character, the struggle of Ordin-Nashchokin with the conditions surrounding him, then you will understand why such happy accidents were rare among us.

Head of the Ambassadorial Order 1667 - 1671
Monarch	Alexey Mikhailovich
Predecessor	Almaz (Erofey) Ivanov
Successor	Artamon Sergeevich Matveev
Religion	orthodoxy
Birth	Opochka
Death	Pskov
Genus	Orders-Nashchokins
Father	Lavrenty Denisovich Ordin-Nashchokin
Children	Voin Afanasyevich
Afanasy Lavrentievich Ordin-Nashchokin at Wikimedia Commons

Early career

Origin, family

Coming from a modest landowning family, Afanasy Lavrentievich was born at the beginning of the 17th century, approximately in 1605 or 1606. The family nest of the Nashchokins has long been located in the north-west of Russia - their few and poor possessions lay in the Pskov and Toropetsk districts.

Family history says that noble family Nashchokinykh went from duca(Duke) Velichka, who allegedly left Italy for Russia to serve the Grand Duke of Tver Alexander Mikhailovich. Having been baptized, he received the name Dmitry and the nickname Red. His son, the Tver boyar Dmitry Dmitrievich, was a participant in the famous Tver uprising in 1327 against the Horde ambassador Shevkal (Shchelkan, according to ancient Russian songs). He was wounded during the battle in the cheek: hence the nickname Nashchok, which, as it used to be done quite often, became his last name. Nashchokin soon left Tver for Moscow to the Grand Duke Simeon Ivanovich Proud. From him, the first Nashchokin, subsequently went the families of the Ordins-Nashchokins, Beznins, Olferyevs. The appearance of a double surname in the first of them is associated with a nickname Horde at Andrei Filippovich Nashchokin, who was killed in the battle of Orsha on September 8, 1514, on the memorable day of the “Smolensk capture”. Near Orsha Russian army was defeated, and on the battlefield, among others, the ancestor of Afanasy Lavrentievich fell.

Education

Athanasius' father made sure that his son received knowledge in Latin, German and mathematics. Subsequently, Athanasius learned Polish and Moldavian. "From young nails" the young man was distinguished by curiosity and perseverance. Until the end of his days he loved books, these, in his words, "treasures that purify the soul"; I was familiar not only with ecclesiastical, but also secular writings, for example, on history and philosophy. To all this one should add keen observation, a craving for the perception of the new, the unknown, the desire to learn and implement the best that was available in the more advanced countries of the West. Some of his contemporaries said about him that he is "a smart man, knows the German business and knows German customs," but writes "subjunctively." Both friends and enemies paid tribute to his mind and statesmanship. He was, as they say, "a talker and a lively pen", had a subtle, sharp mind.

Ordin-Nashchokin's career began in 1642 when he participated in the delimitation of the new Russo-Swedish frontier after the Treaty of Stolbov.

Diplomatic missions

In 1656, Ordin-Nashchokin signed an alliance treaty with Courland, and in 1658, a truce with Sweden, which was essential for Russia. For this, Alexei Mikhailovich honored him with the rank of duma nobleman.

Having achieved in 1667 the signing of the Andrusovsky truce with Poland, which was beneficial for Russia, he received the rank of boyar and became the head of the Posolsky Prikaz, replacing his predecessor, the Dumny clerk, a printer, Almaz Ivanov.

A city nobleman by fatherland and origin, after the conclusion of the aforementioned truce, he was granted to the boyars and appointed chief steward of the Ambassadorial Order with the loud title of “the royal great seal and the state great embassy affairs of the saver”.

He proposed to expand economic and cultural ties with the countries of Western Europe and the East, to conclude an alliance with Poland for a joint struggle with Sweden for possession of the coast of the Baltic Sea.

Banking

In 1655, Ordin-Nashchokin became the founder of the first Russian bank in Pskov, which was called Zemskaya Izba. The bank existed for one year. Unfortunately, this attempt ended in failure. Nashchokin was recalled from Pskov, and the new governor eliminated all his innovations. Banks as special economic institutions began to be created in Russia only 100 years later.

Attempt to create a fleet

Ordin-Nashchokin is also mentioned in connection with the first attempts to create a Russian fleet:

In 1669, the first-born of the Russian fleet, the Oryol ship, was launched on the Oka. The flight of this "Eagle" turned out to be, however, fleeting, the very next year it fell into the hands of the Razintsy and was burned. The attempt to rent a harbor abroad for the Russian fleet also ended in failure. Such negotiations in 1662 were conducted with Courland. As a result, the task of creating the Russian fleet had to be postponed, but the authorities clearly formulated this most important issue for the country even then. And the role of Chancellor Ordin-Nashchokin in this is huge.

Late career

Sharpness and directness in judgment brought him closer to disgrace. In 1671, as a result of denunciations and intrigues, he was removed from service in the Ambassadorial Department and returned to his homeland.

But he turned out to be in demand as an expert on Polish affairs: in 1679, Fedor III Alekseevich sent loyal people for Ordin, ordering them to re-dress the former chancellor in a boyar dress and deliver them to Moscow to participate in negotiations with Polish ambassadors. Ordin felt tired and made no effort to re-establish himself in the capital. His advice regarding the Poles was considered obsolete, Ordin himself was removed from the negotiations and returned to Pskov. There he took the vows under the name of Anthony in the Krypetsky Monastery and a year later - in 1680 - died (at the age of 74).

Notes

1. . On the Chronos website.
2. Monument to Ordin-Nashchokin will be opened on the day of the 600th anniversary of Opochka (indefinite) . Press Centre: News. Pskov: Pskov region. Official portal of state bodies (October 14, 2014). Retrieved June 1, 2016. Archived from the original on June 1, 2016.
3. LIBRIS
4. Buganov V.I. Afanasy Lavrentievich Ordin-Nashchokin // Questions of history. - 1996. - VPI-No. 003 (March 31). - S. 60-81.
5. Klyuchevsky V. O. A. L. Ordin-Nashchokin // Course of Russian history. - Lecture LVII.

Afanasy Lavrentievich Ordin-Nashchokin- an outstanding Russian diplomat and statesman who anticipated many of the transformations of Peter I.

The year of birth is determined approximately - 1606. His father, Lavrenty Denisovich, an Opochetsky nobleman, was included in the Pskov list of service people.

A distant ancestor of the Opochets Ordin-Nashchokins Dmitry served with the Prince of Tver Alexander Mikhailovich, who for about ten years was also the Prince of Pskov. Dmitry was nicknamed Nashchok after the battle with the Khan's Baskak Chol Khan (Shchelkan), when he received a saber wound on his cheek.

From an early age, Athanasius showed curiosity and a craving for learning, supported by his father. A local priest taught him Russian literacy, a native of Poland (possibly from Polotsk) - Polish and Latin. Athanasius studied German, mathematics, rhetoric. His love for learning continued throughout his life.

In December 1621, when Athanasius was supposedly 15 years old, his father took him to and enrolled him in the Pskov regiment for the sovereign's service as the son of a boyar (the lowest rank of a serviceman in the fatherland) from Opochka.

In the mid-30s, Afanasy Lavrentievich married and finally moved from Opochka to Pskov. The educated nobleman who knew “German customs” began to be given diplomatic assignments, among which was participation in border congresses, an embassy to Moldova.

Tsar Alexei Mikhailovich Ordin-Nashchokin became known from 1650, when Afanasy Lavrentievich played a big role in suppressing the Pskov uprising.

In the difficult war with Poland of 1654-67, Ordin-Nashchokin commanded a detachment, a regiment; was the governor of the cities of Druya ​​and Kokenhausen in Livonia.

In 1658, Ordin-Nashchokin signed an advantageous truce with Sweden; negotiated with Courland and Poland, sought an alliance with the latter for a successful struggle with Turkey and Sweden for access to the sea.

Being in 1665 the Pskov governor, he carried out a reform with the introduction of elements of self-government, trying to create the first bank in Russia.

In January 1667, Ordin-Nashchokin achieved a significant victory - he signed the Treaty of Andrusov with Poland and the Moscow Union Decree, securing Smolensk, the left-bank Ukraine with Kyiv for Russia, for which he was awarded the title of a close boyar, became the head of the Ambassadorial order and a number of others, the guardian of the large press , i.e. chancellor.

Ordin-Nashchokin was an outstanding economist, a supporter of the ideas of mercantilism. He developed the New Trade Charter, which patronized domestic trade, the Charter of Trade, which limited foreign trade. Established through the transfer of bills of exchange foreign exchange rate for Russia, ie. made the ruble convertible. He signed an agreement with the "Armenian Company" on the trade of raw silk through Russia.

The initiator of the "ship business", Ordin-Nashchokin led the creation of a shipyard on the Oka and Russian warship"Eagle". Under the guidance and persistent suggestions of Ordin-Nashchokin, an international and regular Russian post was created. He also developed the form of postmen with a coat of arms and a horn.

The Russian chancellor was also engaged in many other things - ironworks, manufactories, trading yards, and so on. He sought to bring the country out of backwardness, firmly defended the state interests, not being afraid of disgrace; he was constantly active and completely incorruptible, fought against the clerical routine.

All this aroused the hatred of the well-born boyars for the "thin" nobleman. Disagreements with the tsar led to the resignation of Ordin-Nashchokin. In 1671 he took the vows at the Krypetsky Monastery near Pskov, where he died in 1680 as Monk Anthony.

Among the 109 high-relief figures of the Millennium of Russia monument in Novgorod, symbolizing the history of our state, there is also the figure of Afanasy Lavrentievich Ordin-Nashchokin, a local citizen.

Ordin-Nashchokin Afanasy Lavrentievich - diplomat, boyar, governor. supervised foreign policy in 1667-1671, Ambassadorial and other orders. Signed an alliance treaty with Courland (1656), the Treaty of Valiesar (1658), concluded the Andrusovo truce with the Commonwealth (1667). In 1671 he retired. In 1672 he took the monastic vows. Ordin-Nashchokin was supposedly born in 1605 to a noble family in Opochka, a suburb of Pskov. With early childhood loved to read and showed a craving for science. He learned to read from a local priest, and the languages ​​- Latin and Polish - Athanasius was taught by a Pole who served with the Nashchokins. As soon as Athanasius was 15 years old, his father took him to Pskov to enlist in the regiment in the service of the sovereign. Educated, well-read, multilingual, educated Ordin-Nashchokin rose through the ranks thanks to his own qualities: talent and hard work. In the early 1640s, the Ordin-Nashchokin family moved to Moscow.

In 1642, Athanasius was sent to the Swedish border "to separate the occupied lands and hay fields by the Russian Swedes along the river Meuzitsa and Pizhva." The Border Commission was able to return the disputed lands to Russia. At the same time, Ordin-Nashchokin took an active part in this matter: he conducted a survey of local residents, carefully read the interrogations of "search people", used scribe and census books, etc. By this time, Russian-Turkish, and therefore Russian-Crimean relations. It was important for the Moscow government to know whether there were Polish-Turkish agreements on joint actions against Russia. Such an important task was entrusted to Ordin-Nashchokin. On October 24, 1642, he left Moscow with three assistants for the capital of Moldavia, Iasi. The Moldavian ruler Vasile Lupu cordially received the envoy of the Russian Tsar, thanked for the gifts and promised to help. Athanasius, as a representative of the Muscovite state, was provided with rooms, food, National clothes. Ordin-Nashchokin did not sit idle: he collected information about the plans of the Polish and Turkish governments and their military preparations, and also monitored the situation on the border. He did not lose sight of the actions of the Polish residents in Bakhchisaray and Istanbul. Through proxies, Ordin-Nashchokin knew, for example, what the conversation was about at the Polish Sejm in June 1642, about the contradictions within the Polish-Lithuanian government on the issue of relations with Russia. He also observed what the Crimean Khan was doing, and reported to Moscow. Ordin-Nashchokin's mission had great importance and for greater rapprochement between Moldova and Russia. Ordin-Nashchokin's observations contributed to the conclusion of a peace treaty between Russia and Turkey. This agreement prevented the threat from the south from the Crimeans against Russia.

In 1644, Ordin-Nashchokin was given the task of clarifying the situation in the west, in the Commonwealth, in particular, to verify rumors about an allegedly impending Polish-Danish invasion of Russia. Ordin found out that internal unrest in Poland and Lithuania would not allow Vladislav IV to start settling border accounts with Russia. And Denmark, which was fighting with Sweden, according to the diplomat, did not intend to quarrel with Russia. After the death of Mikhail Fedorovich in 1645, his son Alexei took the throne. B.I. came to power. Morozov, the tsar's brother-in-law, who replaced F.I. Sheremetev, who patronized Ordin-Nashchokin. Athanasius returned to his family estate, where he was caught by the rebellion of 1650. Afanasy Lavrentievich proposed to the government a plan to suppress the rebellion, which subsequently allowed him to return to the service. Ordin-Nashchokin was twice included in the boundary survey commissions. In the spring of 1651, he went "to the river Meuzitsa between the Pskov district and the Livonian lands." In the mid-1650s, Ordin-Nashchokin became the governor of Druya, a small town in the Polotsk province, which adjoined Swedish lands. The governor's negotiations with the enemy ended with the withdrawal of Swedish troops from the Druya ​​region. He also negotiated with the inhabitants of Riga about the transition to Russian citizenship. He organized reconnaissance, outlined the ways of advancing the Russian troops, convinced the inhabitants of Lithuania of the need for a joint struggle with the Swedes.

In the summer of 1656, in Mitava, Ordin-Nashchokin enlisted the support of Duke Jacob, and on September 9, Russia signed an agreement on friendship and alliance with Courland. Afanasy Lavrentievich corresponded with the ruler of Courland, a French agent in the Commonwealth, a Polish colonel, and received the Austrian ambassador Augustine Mayerberg, who was heading to Moscow. For such successes, Tsar Alexei appointed him governor of Koknese, subordinating to him the entire conquered part of Livonia. He also received command of all the Baltic cities occupied by Russian troops. Ordin-Nashchokin sought to establish good relations with Russia among Latvians. He returned unfairly confiscated property to the population, maintained city self-government on the model of Magdeburg law, supporting the townspeople in every possible way, mainly merchants and artisans. But, Ordin-Nashchokin was and remained, first of all, a diplomat, and all his reforms were of a diplomatic nature. Afanasy Lavrentievich believed that the Moscow state needed "marinas" in the Baltic. To achieve this goal, he sought to create a coalition against Sweden and take Livonia from her. He tried to conclude with Turkey and the Crimea, he insisted that "to put up with Poland in moderation" (on moderate terms). Ordin-Nashchokin even dreamed of an alliance with the Commonwealth, of "glory, which would cover the Slavic peoples if they were all united under the leadership of Russia and Poland." However, the foreign policy program of the "Russian Richelieu," as the Swedes called him, did not meet with understanding from the tsar, despite the great trust and disposition that he constantly showed to his minister. In April 1658, Ordin-Nashchokin received the title of duma nobleman. The king said: “You take care of our affairs courageously and bravely and are kind to military people, but you don’t let down thieves and stand with our people with a brave heart against the Swedish king of glorious cities.”

At the end of 1658, the Duma nobleman, Livonian voivode Ordin-Nashchokin (being a member of the Russian embassy) was sent by the tsar to secret negotiations with the Swedes: "Think about all sorts of measures so that the Swedes can speak in our direction in Kantsy (Nienschanz) and near Rugodiv (Narva) ship piers and from those piers for travel to Korela on the Neva River, the city of Oreshek, and on the Dvina River, the city of Kukuinos, which is now Tsarevichev-Dmitriev, and other places that are decent. He was supposed to tell the results of the negotiations to the Order of Secret Affairs. The embassy congress began in November near Narva in the village of Valiesare. The sovereign hurried with the conclusion of the contract, sent new and new instructions. In accordance with them, the Russian ambassadors demanded the cession of the conquered Livonian cities, Korel and Izhora lands. The Swedes, on the other hand, sought to return to the terms of the Stolbovsky Treaty. The truce signed on December 20, 1658 in Valiesar (for a period of 3 years), which actually provided Russia with access to the Baltic Sea, was a major success for Russian diplomacy. Russia retained the territories occupied by it (until May 21, 1658) in the Eastern Baltic. Free trade between both countries was also restored, travel was guaranteed, freedom of religion, etc. Since both sides were at war with Poland, they mutually decided not to use this circumstance. The Swedes agreed with the honorary title of the Russian Tsar. And most importantly: "There will be no war and enthusiasm on both sides, but peace and quiet." However, after the death of King Charles X, Sweden abandoned the idea of ​​"eternal peace" with Russia and even made peace with Poland in 1660. Russia again faced the possibility of waging a war on two fronts. Under such circumstances, Moscow sought to conclude a mio with Sweden in order to switch all its forces to the south side. In this situation, Ordin-Nashchokin, in letters to the tsar, asks to be released from participating in negotiations with the Swedes. On June 21, in Kardis, the boyar Prince I.S. Prozorovsky signed the peace: Russia conceded to Sweden everything conquered in Livonia. At the same time, freedom of trade for Russian merchants and the liquidation of their pre-war debts were proclaimed. The participation of Ordin-Nashchokin in the Russian-Polish negotiations of the early 1660s, which became an important stage in the preparation of the Andrusov agreement, was exceptionally active. Realizing how difficult it would be to achieve reconciliation with the Commonwealth, he solved this problem gradually. In March-April, an exchange of prisoners took place, and in May an agreement was reached on the security of the ambassadors. But in June, a conflict was revealed in the incompatibility of the positions of the parties on issues of borders, prisoners, indemnities. Great restraint was required from the Russian ambassador so as not to interrupt the negotiations.

Between September and November 1666, Polish diplomats tried to return Lithuania, Belarus and Ukraine and, having stumbled upon a refusal, threatened to continue the war. In a report to Moscow, Ordin-Nashchokin advised the tsar to accept the Polish conditions. In the last days of December, Dinaburg was ceded to the Poles on behalf of the tsar, but the ambassadors insisted on recognizing Kyiv, Zaporozhye and the entire Left-Bank Ukraine for Russia. By the end of the year, the foreign policy situation of the Commonwealth had changed, and the Polish representatives became more compliant. Already being devious, Ordin-Nashchokin soon takes an active part in the renewed Russian-Polish negotiations. His endurance, composure, diplomatic wisdom largely predetermined the signing on January 30 (February 9), 1667 of the most important agreement - the Andrusov Peace, which summed up the long Russian-Polish war. A truce was established for 13.5 years. Other important issues of bilateral relations were also resolved, in particular, joint actions against the Crimean-Ottoman attacks were envisaged. At the initiative of Ordin-Nashchokin, Russian diplomats were sent to many countries (England, Brandenburg, Holland, Denmark, the Empire, Spain, Persia, Turkey, France, Sweden and the Crimea) with "declaratory letters" on the conclusion of the Andrusovo truce, an offer of friendship, cooperation and trade. “The glory of a thirty-year truce that thundered in Europe, which all Christian powers desired,” wrote a contemporary of the diplomat, “will erect a noblest monument to Nashchokin in the hearts of posterity.” The negotiations that prepared the Andrusovsky peace took place in several rounds. And the return of Ordin during one of the breaks to Moscow (1664) coincided with the trial of Patriarch Nikon and his supporter, boyar N.I. Zyuzin, to whom Ordin treated with sympathy. This cast a shadow on the duma nobleman, although his complicity with Nikon was not proven. Nevertheless, Afanasy Lavrentievich had to ask the king for forgiveness. Only the trust of Alexei Mikhailovich, as well as the disinterestedness and honesty of Ordin-Nashchokin himself, saved him from dire consequences: he was only removed to Pskov as a governor. But even in this position, Ordin remained a diplomat. He negotiated and corresponded with Lithuanian and Polish magnates, thought about the delimitation of the lands bordering on Sweden. And to advance the cause of peace with the Commonwealth, he tried to involve the rulers of Austria and Brandenburg, Denmark and Courland in the mediation. Being an educated man, Ordin also tried to give his son a good education. Voin Afanasyevich "was known as a smart, efficient young man", even sometimes replacing his father in Koknes (Tsarevich-Dmitriev city). But "passion for foreigners, dislike for one's own" led him to flee abroad. True, in 1665 he returned from abroad, and he was allowed to live in his father's village. However, this did not hurt the service career of Ordin-Nashchokin.

In February 1667, Ordin-Nashchokin received the title of a close boyar and butler and was soon appointed to the Ambassadorial Office with the rank of "Royal and state ambassadorial affairs of the boyar." In the same year, Afanasy Lavrentievich invented a new seal, and the tsar also entrusted him with the Smolensk category, the Little Russian order, as a result of which the main departments of the state fell into the hands of Ordin-Nashchokin. Ordin-Nashchokin worked hard to expand and strengthen his country's ties with other states. Thus, the Russian diplomat repeatedly made attempts to establish diplomatic missions abroad. So, in July 1668, Vasily Tyapkin was sent to the Commonwealth "to be a permanent resident there." But in order to expand the country's ties with other states, it was necessary to be aware of what was happening in these states. Therefore, Athanasius established a postal connection with Vilna and Riga, the next step he proposed was to translate foreign newspapers and compile reports from them. These reports became the prototype for the printed newspapers that would appear later. During the leadership of the Ambassadorial Order (from February 1667 to February 1671), Ordin-Nashchokin regulated the activities of this department. The personnel structure has increased significantly due to highly professionally trained employees, because "it is necessary to direct the mental hair on state affairs to blameless and elected people." Afanasy Lavrentievich considered the Ambassadorial Order one of the most important state departments, "there is an eye for all great Russia both for the highest honor of the state, together with health, so having a fishery on all sides and relentless care from the fear of God. "Ordin-Nashchokin was well prepared for diplomatic service: he knew how to write "subjunctive", knew mathematics, Latin and German languages, was knowledgeable in foreign orders; they said about him that he "knows the German business and knows the German custom." He was not against borrowing knowledge from abroad, he believed that "it is not a shame for a good person to learn from outside, even from his enemies." For all his dexterity, Ordin-Nashchokin possessed one diplomatic quality that many of his rivals did not have - honesty. Despite the fact that the profession of a diplomat requires such a quality as cunning, which Ordin-Nashchokin undoubtedly possessed, he was, moreover, a man of honor. Even by cunning, he tried not to violate the concluded agreement. Among his personal qualities were also industriousness, initiative, resourcefulness, but it was difficult for him to yield to the king and his entourage in state matters, because of which Athanasius was not afraid to openly enter into conflicts and defend his opinion. The king loved and appreciated him very much, Ordin-Nashchokin enjoyed the unlimited confidence of the king. He was offended that they did not send the necessary papers, they called him to Moscow without explaining the reasons. So, Ordin-Nashchokin was in a halo of glory and enjoyed the unlimited confidence of the king. But the king began to be annoyed by too independent actions and independent solutions, as well as the constant complaints of Ordin-Nashchokin about the non-recognition of his merits. The head of the Ambassadorial Department had to explain himself. Later, the tsar discovered that the work of Athanasius as head of the Little Russian order was not successful, and removed Ordin-Nashchokin from this position.

In the spring of 1671, the deprivation of the title of "guardian" followed. In December, the tsar accepted the resignation of Ordin-Nashchokin and "clearly freed him from all worldly fuss." At the beginning of 1672, Afanasy Lavrentievich left Moscow and took with him a huge personal archive, consisting of ambassadorial books, royal letters, but all this was returned to the capital after his death. In the Krypetsky Monastery, 60 kilometers from Pskov, he took the tonsure as a monk, taking the name of monk Anthony. A few years later, Monk Anthony returned to Moscow to present his foreign policy views to Tsar Fyodor Alekseevich, but his ideas did not matter, because during his stay in the monastery he “lagged behind” the real situation in the political field. At the end of 1679 he returned to Pskov, and a year later he met his death in the Krypetsky Monastery. Foreign diplomats suffered from the cunning of Ordin-Nashchokin. “He was a master of peculiar and unexpected political constructions,” says the great Russian historian Klyuchevsky about him. “It was difficult to argue with him. Thoughtful and resourceful, he sometimes pissed off foreign diplomats with whom he negotiated, and they also blamed him for the difficulty to deal with him: he will not miss the slightest mistake, no inconsistency in diplomatic dialectics, he will now hook and confuse a careless or short-sighted adversary.