Joint declaration on behalf of the governments of the three powers: Great Britain, the United States and the Republic of China. The Potsdam Declaration demanded Japan's unconditional surrender in World War II, with the threat of subsequent devastation of the country if refused. The Declaration also formulated the basic principles for a peaceful settlement.

On July 28, the Japanese government rejected the demands of the Potsdam Declaration. On August 6, the US atomic bombed the Japanese city of Hiroshima. On August 8, the USSR joined the Potsdam Declaration and declared war on Japan.

On August 14, defeated Japan accepted the terms of the Potsdam Declaration. On September 2, 1945, the Japanese Surrender Act was signed.

Sources

• The foreign policy of the Soviet Union in the period Patriotic War, vol. 3, [M.], 1947, p. 334-35, 362-66.

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An excerpt characterizing the Potsdam Declaration

Pierre interrupted him. Do you have her letters? Do you have letters? Pierre repeated, moving towards Anatole.
Anatole looked at him and at once, thrusting his hand into his pocket, took out his wallet.
Pierre took the letter handed to him and, pushing the table that stood on the road, fell on the sofa.
“Je ne serai pas violent, ne craignez rien, [Don’t be afraid, I won’t use violence,” said Pierre, responding to Anatole’s frightened gesture. “Letters - once,” said Pierre, as if repeating a lesson for himself. "Second," he continued after a moment's silence, getting up again and beginning to walk, "you must leave Moscow tomorrow."
"But how can I...
“Third,” Pierre continued, not listening to him, “you should never say a word about what happened between you and the countess. This, I know, I cannot forbid you, but if there is a spark of conscience in you ... - Pierre silently walked around the room several times. Anatole sat at the table and frowned, biting his lips.
“You can’t fail to understand, finally, that in addition to your pleasure there is happiness, the peace of mind of other people, that you are ruining your whole life from the fact that you want to have fun. Have fun with women like my wife - with these you are within your rights, they know what you want from them. They are armed against you with the same experience of debauchery; but to promise a girl to marry her ... to deceive, to steal ... How can you not understand that this is as vile as nailing an old man or a child! ...
Pierre fell silent and looked at Anatole, no longer angry, but inquiringly.
- I do not know this. A? - said Anatole, emboldened as Pierre overcame his anger. “I don’t know and don’t want to know,” he said, without looking at Pierre and with a slight trembling of his lower jaw, “but you said these words to me: vile and the like, which I comme un homme d" honneur [as fair man] I won't let anyone.

Japan in the war 1941-1945. [Illustrated] Hattori Takushiro

CHAPTER VI THE POTSDAM DECLARATION

POTSDAM DECLARATION

Publication of the Potsdam Declaration. When Sato's report on the meeting with Lozovsky was received at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Tokyo, there was an important event: July 26 in Potsdam, where Stalin and Molotov met with the heads of government of the United States and England, a joint declaration of the three powers was signed.

On the Tokyo radio station, the declaration was received at 6 o'clock. on the morning of 27 July. Below is the content of the declaration.

1. We, the President of the United States, the Chairman of the National Government of China, and the Prime Minister of Great Britain, as representatives of hundreds of millions of our compatriots, agreed that Japan should be given the opportunity to end this war.

2. The vast land, sea, and air forces of the United States, the British Empire, and China are ready to deliver the final blow to Japan. This military power is directed by the determination of all allied nations to wage war against Japan until she ceases resistance.

3. Germany's fruitless and senseless resistance to the might of the free peoples of the world is a sad example for Japan. The mighty forces that are now approaching Japan are immeasurably greater than those used against the resisting Nazis, and have naturally devastated the lands, destroyed industry and disrupted the way of life of the entire German people. The full use of our military force, backed by our determination, will mean the inevitable and final destruction of the Japanese armed forces and the inevitable complete devastation of the Japanese metropolis.

4. The time has come for Japan to decide whether she will continue to be dominated by those stubborn militaristic circles whose unreasonable calculations have brought the Japanese empire to the brink of annihilation, or whether she will follow the path of reason.

5. Below are our terms and conditions. We will not back down from them. No choice. We will not tolerate any delay.

6. The power and influence of those who deceived the people of Japan, forcing them to follow the path of world domination must be eliminated forever. We are convinced that only then will security and justice in the world become possible, when irresponsible militarism is wiped off the face of the earth.

7. Until there is conclusive evidence that Japan's capacity for warfare has been destroyed, points on Japanese territory designated by the Allies will be occupied for the accomplishment of the main objectives which we here set forth.

8. The conditions of the Cairo Declaration must be fulfilled, Japanese sovereignty will be limited to the islands of Honshu, Hokkaido, Kyushu, Shikoku and the smaller islands that we indicate.

9. The personnel of the Japanese armed forces, after disarmament, will be allowed to return to their homes and be given the opportunity to lead a peaceful working life.

10. We do not want the Japanese to be enslaved as a race or destroyed as a nation, but all war criminals, including those who committed atrocities against our prisoners, will be severely punished. The Japanese government must remove all obstacles to the revival and strengthening of the democratic tendencies of the Japanese people. Freedom of speech, religion, and respect for fundamental human rights will be proclaimed.

11. Japan will be allowed to have an industry that will enable her to maintain her economy and pay fair reparations in kind. Those branches of industry that would allow the arming again for warfare will be banned. Eventually, Japan will be allowed to engage in peaceful trade relations.

12. As soon as these objectives are achieved and a peaceful government is established in accordance with the freely expressed will of the people, the Allies will withdraw the occupying forces from Japan.

13. We urge the Government of Japan to declare the unconditional surrender of all Japanese military forces and give proper and sufficient assurances of their good intentions in this matter, otherwise Japan will face a quick and complete defeat.

Having received the text of the declaration, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs immediately began to translate it and study it article by article. Having studied the contents of the declaration by the end of July, the Japanese leaders noted that the first five articles of the declaration have the meaning of a kind of preamble, which proposes that the subsequent articles of the declaration be adopted immediately and in full. Basically, the preamble is like a threat, and there is absolutely no need to attach importance to it from a legal point of view.

However, noteworthy is the fact that article 1 of the preamble, which reads: "... Japan should be given the opportunity to end this war," does not directly offer "surrender" or "unconditional surrender", but article 5, which contains the phrase "Following are our conditions”, just the word “conditions” is used.

All this seems very significant from the point of view of the enemy’s political intentions and at the same time raises doubts about the legal basis of this declaration, namely: this declaration does not speak about the conditions of unconditional surrender and, unlike the Crimean Declaration, peace is offered on certain conditions put forward in advance.

The enemy, as it were, wants to save Japan's "prestige", while at the same time, due to necessity, taking into account considerations of domestic order, Article 5 is worded as follows: "Following are our conditions. We will not back down from them. No choice. We will not tolerate any delay." Such formulations give the document the character of a demand for unconditional surrender, a kind of ultimatum, which is how the declaration is regarded.

Article 6 (on the eradication of militarism). The Crimean Declaration provided in detail for specific measures to eliminate German militarism and Nazism. In the Potsdam Declaration, however, there is no detailed paragraph on this. The object of eradication is indicated in in general terms only power and influence. It is completely unclear whether the “power” of the emperor is meant here, or whether it refers only to the government and the power of the military, it is not clear whether to include “influence” in the concept political parties and other political and ideological groups, or are we talking about military industrialists, zaibatsu, etc.

The following phrase, "Those who deceived the people of Japan into taking the path of world domination," is intended to punish the war criminals as responsible for the war. According to the enemy, the military clique is responsible for the war, so, so to speak, in the narrow sense, "power and influence" should be attributed to "military power" and "the influence of militarism." It can be assumed that the enemy is consciously interpreting this article in general terms so as not to bind himself in the future, all the more so if we take into account the fact that he still does not have a unanimous opinion about our political system, those responsible for the war, etc.

Article 7 (on the occupation of the territory of Japan). The sphere of occupation is not precisely defined, only the occupation of "points on Japanese territory" is spoken of. It can be assumed that the enemy has no intentions to occupy vast areas of the territory of the empire; it proposes to occupy only the most important military, political and economic points. The Crimean Declaration states that “the armed forces of the three powers will occupy special zones in Germany”, i.e., it speaks of the occupation of the entire territory of Germany, this is not said about the empire.

The main points of this declaration should be considered the points on the goals of the occupation: the eradication of militarism, the redrawing of territory, the disarmament of the army, the punishment of war criminals, the reorganization of industry, etc.

Article 8 (territorial issue). The Cairo Declaration states the following on the territorial question:

deprive Japan of all the islands on pacific ocean, which she has captured or occupied since the outbreak of the First World War in 1914;

to return to the Republic of China all the territories that Japan seized from the Chinese, such as Manchuria, Taiwan, the Pescadores Islands;

expel Japan from all other territories she has taken by force; give Korea its freedom and independence in due time.

Article 9 (on the disarmament of the Japanese army). In contrast to the Crimean Declaration, this declaration sets out the issue of disarming the Japanese army in an extremely simplified and unclear way: nothing specifically is said about the methods of disarmament. It is quite natural that after the end of the war, servicemen will return home and will conduct a peaceful labor activity. In our opinion, the reference to this pursues only political goals aimed at exerting a psychological impact on our officers and soldiers. It can be assumed that the enemy has no intention of using our servicemen as labor force in his own country instead of paying reparations, as is the case with Germany.

Article 10 (on the Japanese people). The first part of the article includes provisions from Truman's statement to the Japanese people, which he made immediately after taking the presidency. As a condition, the statement raised the question of punishing war criminals. This declaration refers to the number of war criminals, in particular, those who committed atrocities against prisoners. It can be assumed that Article 10 gives the right to prosecute as "persons responsible for the war", of course, those who have "power and influence", as mentioned above, and even those who do not belong to this category, but acted against international law.

Whereas the Crimean Declaration clearly states that German war criminals are brought to trial and punished by the Allied countries, it is not clear in this declaration who is put on trial, what is the procedure for judicial proceedings, etc.

Further, unlike the Crimean Declaration, which provides for measures to democratize Germany by the allied countries, in this declaration the task of reviving and strengthening democracy, as well as establishing freedoms and respect for human rights, is assigned to the Japanese government itself. Thus, the words "revival of ... democratic tendencies" indicate that the enemy recognizes democratic tendencies in the past among the Japanese people.

Article 11 (measures against Japanese industry). The first part of the article refers to the imposition of reparations on Japan and the prohibition of the military industry. Here, in contrast to the Crimean Declaration, more favorable conditions are established for the Japanese people. We can say that this was done for political reasons.

Under the control of raw materials, the enemy means, of course, the seizure of all enterprises of the extractive industry that were put into operation on the mainland and in the occupied regions with the outbreak of this war. This also refers to the historically established enterprises of the empire in Manchuria and China and, above all, enterprises of the companies of the South Manchurian railway along with their investments and equipment. Whether the value of these investments and equipment is included in reparations in kind seems to be the same as with Germany. Although the mention of Japan's participation in world trade, in essence, does not give us any right to be optimistic, however, it can be said that this is somewhat different from the Crimean Declaration, where not a word is said on this issue.

Article 12 (withdrawal of the occupying Allied forces). The Crimean Declaration defines in detail the issues of occupation and control of German territory, but says nothing about the withdrawal of the occupying forces.

In this article, "the establishment of a peace-loving government" is put forward as a condition for the withdrawal of troops. Although Articles 5 and 8 provisionally recognize the legitimacy of the current Japanese government, it is in all likelihood far from satisfying the adversary. In his opinion, apparently, in order to withdraw the occupying troops, it is necessary to create another government that would be recognized as peace-loving.

Article 13 (Unconditional Surrender of the Japanese Armed Forces). The article again contains a kind of threat. This article defines the terms of a truce, or rather, if the previous articles talk about the conditions of peace, then this article can be considered as a direct prerequisite for the cessation of hostilities.

The phrase "unconditional surrender of all Japanese armed forces" deserves attention. While the Cairo Declaration clearly refers to "Japan's unconditional surrender," this declaration limits unconditional surrender to the armed forces.

Japan's position. In studying the text of the declaration, the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Togo drew attention to two important points. First, although the head of the Soviet government was no doubt consulted in Potsdam about this declaration, it does not mention his name, so it can be assumed that the Soviet Union remains legally neutral with respect to Japan.

Secondly, the United States, Britain and China, which published this declaration, abandoned the demand for complete unconditional surrender and instead put forward special conditions in eight articles to establish peace with Japan. The phrase about unconditional surrender is used only once in the declaration and refers only to the armed forces of Japan.

Togo believed that the three indicated states, having received information from the USSR regarding Japan's desire to end the war, changed their previous position regarding unconditional surrender and offered peace terms instead.

Post-war research has established that American and British leaders from the very beginning knew about Japan's activities aimed at ending the war through the mediation of the USSR. However, this was not the reason for the publication of a declaration with notes of appeasement. In the United States at that time, it was believed that the war against Japan would last another year or two, as a result of which America would lose several hundred thousand people.

The conditions put forward in the declaration are regarded by Togo as very difficult, especially with regard to territorial issues. However, now that the military situation is extremely unfavorable, these conditions should be considered the maximum that Japan can hope for. On the other hand, Togo believed that if the government of the USSR agreed to act as an intermediary, then it would probably be possible through negotiations to soften the terms of the Potsdam Declaration. Thus, he considered it necessary, firstly, not to reject the declaration, so as not to block the way to further peace negotiations, and, secondly, after receiving the final answer of the Soviet Union regarding the Ko-noe mission, to determine the position of Japan. On July 27, Togo presented his findings personally to the Emperor, Prime Minister Suzuki, and Minister Keeper of the Seal Kido.

On the same day, a meeting of the Higher Council for the Direction of the War was convened to decide on a common course regarding the Potsdam Declaration. At the meeting, Togo expressed the above view. He was supported by Prime Minister Suzuki.

The opposite opinion was held by the Chief of the Naval General Staff, Toyoda. He insisted on the need to issue a manifesto of the emperor to reject the declaration. In the end, the conference decided to act in accordance with the position taken by the Soviet Union.

At a cabinet meeting on the afternoon of 27 July, measures to be taken at home with regard to the Potsdam Declaration were discussed.

At that time, with the exception of the prime minister, the minister of war, the minister of the navy and the minister of foreign affairs, the rest of the cabinet was not officially aware of the ongoing negotiations with the Soviet Union, so Togo reported to the extent necessary on the meetings between Hirota and Malik, as well as other diplomatic measures taken. Togo then clarified the Potsdam Declaration and reported on common decision adopted at the meeting of the Supreme Council for the Direction of War.

If with regard to general course Since the members of the cabinet did not have any particular disagreements, a rather large dispute arose over the issue of publishing the declaration in the country. Togo called for delaying the publication of the declaration. The opposite position was taken by the minister without portfolio Shimomura (who is also the head of the information department), the minister of public welfare Okada and many others. They felt that since the declaration had been broadcast by radio stations all over the world, it would quickly spread among the Japanese people, so it would not be appropriate not to publish it. War Minister Anami said that the publication of the declaration would enable the government to direct public opinion against the same document.

In the end, the cabinet of ministers unanimously decided to publish the Potsdam Declaration, excluding from it passages that could adversely affect the morale of the army and cause unrest among the people. It was decided not to publish the official point of view of the government regarding the declaration.

The information department under the Cabinet of Ministers instructed newspaper companies to publish a declaration with banknotes. The Information Directorate also forbade any explanations from official circles in the press. However, in order not to give the impression that confusion reigns in the government, in the comments to the text of the declaration it was allowed to hint, without indicating the source, that the government, apparently, left the declaration of the allied states without attention.

On July 28, the morning papers published the text of the Potsdam Declaration, in accordance with the instructions received. Newspapers came out even without editorials. On the same day, a regular meeting of the Cabinet of Ministers and the High Command for the exchange of information was held at the Imperial Palace. The Minister of War, the Minister of the Navy and the Chiefs of the General and Naval General Staffs, recalling the Prime Minister to a separate room, stressed that the absence of a statement on the attitude towards the Potsdam Declaration was reflected in the morale of the army, and this convinced Suzuki. In the afternoon, at a regular press conference, the Prime Minister stated the following about the position regarding the Potsdam Declaration: “We ignore it. We will relentlessly move forward and fight the war to the end.”

Suzuki's statement caused a great sensation. The next day, newspapers placed it under big headlines, and radio broadcasts around the world carried the news of Japan's disregard for the Potsdam Declaration. The Foreign Minister protested as the Prime Minister's statement was made contrary to the Cabinet's decision of 27 July. However, it was too late to retreat.

On the other hand, diplomatic negotiations between Sato and Lozovsky stalled after their July 25 meeting. Stalin was still in Potsdam. No response was received to Japan's proposal for the Konoe mission. On July 30, Ambassador Sato again asked Lozovsky to expedite the matter with a response and stated that Japan, having rejected the form of unconditional surrender, wanted to end the war on the basis of a compromise that would ensure its dignity and existence. Sato asked Lozovsky to convey this to the Soviet leadership.

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Statement
heads of government of the United States, the United Kingdom and China
(Potsdam Declaration)
(Potsdam, 26 July 1945)

1. We, the President of the United States, the President of the National Government of the Republic of China and the Prime Minister of Great Britain, representing hundreds of millions of our compatriots, have conferred and agreed that Japan should be given the opportunity to end this war.

2. The huge land, sea and air forces of the United States, the British Empire and China, reinforced many times over by their troops and the air fleets of the West, prepared for the final blows against Japan. This military power is supported and inspired by the determination of all allied nations to wage war against Japan until she ceases her resistance.

3. The result of Germany's fruitless and senseless resistance to the might of the risen free peoples of the world is presented with terrible clarity as an example to the people of Japan. The mighty forces that are now approaching Japan are immeasurably greater than those which, when applied to the resisting Nazis, naturally devastated the lands, destroyed industry and disrupted the way of life of the entire German people. The full use of our military force, backed by our determination, will mean the inevitable and final destruction of the Japanese armed forces, the equally inevitable complete devastation of the Japanese metropolis.

4. The time has come for Japan to decide whether she will continue to be under the rule of those stubborn militaristic advisers whose unreasonable calculations have brought the Japanese empire to the brink of annihilation, or whether she will follow the path of reason.

5. Below are our terms and conditions. We will not back down from them. There is no choice. We will not tolerate any delay.

6. The power and influence of those who deceived and misled the people of Japan, forcing them to follow the path of world conquest, must be removed forever, for we firmly believe that a new order of peace, security and justice will be impossible as long as irresponsible militarism will not be expelled from the world.

7. Until such a new order is established, and until there is conclusive proof that Japan's ability to wage war has been destroyed, - points on Japanese territory, which will be indicated by the Allies, will be occupied in order to ensure the implementation of the main goals that we set out here.

8. The terms of the Cairo Declaration will be fulfilled and Japanese sovereignty will be limited to the islands of Honshu, Hokkaido, Kyushu, Shikoku and such smaller islands as we indicate.

9. The Japanese armed forces, after they are disarmed, will be allowed to return to their homes with the opportunity to lead a peaceful and working life.

10. We do not want the Japanese to be enslaved as a race or destroyed as a nation, but all war criminals, including those who have committed atrocities against our prisoners, must be severely punished. The Japanese government must remove all obstacles to the revival and strengthening of democratic tendencies among the Japanese people. Freedom of speech, religion and thought will be established, as well as respect for basic human rights.

11. Japan will be allowed to have an industry that will support her economy and collect just reparations in kind, but not those industries that will allow her to arm herself again for war. For these purposes, access to raw materials will be allowed, as opposed to control over them. Eventually, Japan will be allowed to participate in world trade relations.

12. Allied occupying forces will be withdrawn from Japan as soon as these objectives are achieved and as soon as a peaceful and responsible government is established in accordance with the freely expressed will of the Japanese people.

13. We call on the Government of Japan to declare now the unconditional surrender of all Japanese military forces and to give proper and sufficient assurances of their good intentions in this matter. Otherwise, Japan will face a quick and complete defeat.

Potsdam Declaration

Statement by the Heads of Government of the United States, the United Kingdom and China (Potsdam Declaration)

• (Potsdam, 26 July 1945)
• 1. We, the President of the United States, the President of the National Government of the Republic of China, and the Prime Minister of Great Britain, representing hundreds of millions of our compatriots, have conferred and agreed that Japan should be given the opportunity to end this war.
• 2. The vast land, sea, and air forces of the United States, the British Empire, and China, reinforced many times over by their troops and air fleets from the West, were prepared to deliver the final blows to Japan. This military power is supported and inspired by the determination of all the Allied Nations to wage war against Japan until she ceases her resistance.
• 3. The result of Germany's fruitless and senseless resistance to the might of the risen free peoples of the world is presented with terrible clarity as an example to the people of Japan. The mighty forces that are now approaching Japan are immeasurably greater than those which, when applied to the resisting Nazis, naturally devastated the lands, destroyed industry and disrupted the way of life of the entire German people. The full use of our military force, backed by our determination, will mean the inevitable and final destruction of the Japanese armed forces, the equally inevitable complete devastation of the Japanese metropolis.
• 4. The time has come for Japan to decide whether she will continue to be under the rule of those stubborn militaristic advisers whose unreasonable calculations have brought the Japanese empire to the brink of annihilation, or whether she will follow the path of reason.

Tehran Crimean Post-Ladies Conference

• 5. Below are our terms and conditions. We will not back down from them. There is no choice. We will not tolerate any delay.
• 6. The power and influence of those who deceived and misled the people of Japan, forcing them to follow the path of world conquest, must be removed forever, for we firmly believe that a new order of peace, security and justice will be impossible as long as irresponsible militarism will not be expelled from the world.
• 7. Until such a new order is established, and until there is conclusive proof that Japan's ability to wage war has been destroyed, - points on Japanese territory, which will be indicated by the Allies, will be occupied in order to ensure the implementation of the main goals that we set out here.
• 8. The terms of the Cairo Declaration will be fulfilled and Japanese sovereignty will be limited to the islands of Honshu, Hokkaido, Kyushu, Shikoku and such smaller islands as we indicate.
• 9. The Japanese armed forces, after they are disarmed, will be allowed to return to their homes with the opportunity to lead a peaceful and working life.
• 10. We do not want the Japanese to be enslaved as a race or destroyed as a nation, but all war criminals, including those who have committed atrocities against our prisoners, must be severely punished. The Japanese Government must remove all obstacles to the revival and strengthening of democratic tendencies among the Japanese people. Freedom of speech, religion and thought will be established, as well as respect for basic human rights.
• 11. Japan will be allowed to have an industry that will support her economy and collect just reparations in kind, but not those industries that will allow her to arm herself again for war. For these purposes, access to raw materials will be allowed, as opposed to control over them. Ultimately, Japan will be allowed to participate in world trade relations.
• 12. Allied occupying forces will be withdrawn from Japan as soon as these objectives are achieved and as soon as a peaceful and responsible government is established in accordance with the freely expressed will of the Japanese people.
• 13. We call upon the Government of Japan to declare now the unconditional surrender of all Japanese military forces and to give appropriate and sufficient assurances of their good intentions in this matter. Otherwise, Japan will face a quick and complete defeat.

STATEMENT OF THE SOVIET GOVERNMENT TO THE GOVERNMENT OF JAPAN

"After the defeat and surrender Nazi Germany Japan was the only great power which still stands for the continuation of the war.

The demand of the three powers - the United States of America, Great Britain and China - dated July 26 of this year for the unconditional surrender of the Japanese armed forces was rejected by Japan. Thus, the proposal of the Japanese Government Soviet Union on mediation in the war on Far East loses all ground.

Taking into account Japan's refusal to capitulate, the Allies turned to the Soviet Government with a proposal to join the war against Japanese aggression and thereby shorten the time for the end of the war, reduce the number of victims and help restore world peace as soon as possible.

True to its Allied duty, the Soviet Government accepted the proposal of the Allies and acceded to the Declaration of the Allied Powers of July 26 of this year.

The Soviet Government considers that such a policy of its own is the only means capable of hastening the onset of peace, freeing the peoples from further sacrifices and suffering, and enabling the Japanese people to get rid of the dangers and destruction that Germany experienced after its refusal of unconditional surrender.

In view of the foregoing, the Soviet Government declares that from tomorrow, that is, from August 9, the Soviet Union will consider itself in a state of war with Japan.

Establishment of the Council of Foreign Ministers. Solutions to the German problem. decisions about Poland. Agreement on the conclusion of peace treaties and admission to the UN. Negotiations and decisions on other issues concerning the liberated peoples. Potsdam Declaration on Japan. Results and significance of the conference.

Potsdam Declaration on Japan (pp. 688-690)

At the conference in Potsdam, issues related to the conduct of the war against Japan were discussed, and meetings of the chiefs of staff of the three countries on military issues took place. In Potsdam, it was extremely important for the leaders of the United States and Britain "to receive personal confirmation from I. V. Stalin that the USSR would go to war with Japan."

In the summer of 1945, American military experts believed that "neither the blockade nor the bombing by themselves could ensure the unconditional surrender of Japan." The US high command understood that the use of two atomic bombs available to the US would not be able to secure the surrender of Japan. US Army Chief of Staff J. Marshall, in his notes published in 1959, notes that "in the original plans for the invasion of Japan, we wanted to have nine atomic bombs for three attacks." Two strikes (six atomic bombs) were to be carried out against the army, and three bombs were to be used against the reserves, "which, as we were sure, were located in the provinces." After the experimental explosion of the atomic bomb on July 16, on the eve of the opening of the Potsdam Conference, Truman considered it an important task for American diplomacy at the Potsdam conference to seek the participation of the USSR in the war in the Far East. On July 24, the Joint Chiefs of Staff reported to Truman and Churchill a plan that proposed "to encourage Russia's entry into the war against Japan." At the same time, American and British military leaders believed that victory over Japan could not be won before November 15, 1946. Truman and Churchill approved the submitted plan. During the negotiations at the conference, they received confirmation from the Soviet delegation that the USSR would fulfill its allied duty. Chief [p. 688] of the General Staff of the Red Army, General of the Army AI Antonov confirmed that Soviet troops were concentrating in the Far East, but the opening of hostilities would depend on the Soviet-Chinese negotiations that began on the eve of the Potsdam Conference. General A. I. Antonov stated that the goal of the military operations of the Soviet Armed Forces in the Far East was to defeat the Japanese troops in Northeast China and reach the Liaodong Peninsula. The head of the Soviet government announced at the conference that the Soviet Union would once again reject the new mediation proposal received by the Soviet government from the Japanese government.

See History of the Great Patriotic War of the Soviet Union 1941-1945, vol. 5, p. 539.

See "Tehran - Yalta - Potsdam", p. 327.

The Soviet Union consistently adhered to the agreement reached. At the same time, Churchill and Truman, trying to persuade Japan to surrender as soon as possible, published on July 26, 1945, the Potsdam Declaration of the United States, Britain and China, in which they called on the Japanese government to immediately proclaim unconditional surrender on the conditions presented. “There is no choice. We will not tolerate any delay,” the document said.

"Collection of existing contracts ...", no. XI, p. 105.

The preparation and publication of this Declaration took place without the participation of the USSR. The Soviet delegation in Potsdam received on July 26, 1945, that is, on the day it was signed, only a copy "for information". And when with Soviet side a wish was expressed to delay the publication of the Declaration for three days, the American leaders replied: "The Declaration has already been handed over to the agencies, and the publication cannot be postponed." It was an attempt by the Western powers to secure a diplomatic end to the war before the USSR moved against Japan. Despite the extreme interest in helping the USSR in the war against Japan, the ruling circles of the United States and Britain showed imperialist tendencies to eliminate the USSR from resolving post-war issues relating to Japan. At the conference, the head of the Soviet delegation again emphasized the commitment of the USSR to inter-allied cooperation on the question of Japan. Reporting on Japan's proposal to the Soviet Union for mediation, I. V. Stalin [p. 689] said: "Although we are not properly informed when any document is drawn up about Japan, we believe that we should inform each other about new proposals." Soviet government put the interests of the peoples in the first place, their desire to defeat the Japanese aggressors as soon as possible and bring the desired peace closer in the Far East. Since this main aspiration of the peoples was expressed in the Declaration, the Soviet government later joined it, which was officially announced on August 8, 1945 [p. 690]

WUA of the USSR. Recording of a telephone conversation between the Secretary of the People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs of the USSR V.N. Pavlov and a member of the American delegation at the conference of the heads of the three governments Matthews in Babelsberg on July 26, 1945

"Tehran - Yalta - Potsdam", p. 327.

See chapter twenty-two, pp. 721-722.