"Treaty of Bucharest (1812). Treaty of Bucharest (1812) (reference) Treaty of Bucharest 1812
Russo-Turkish War 1806-1812 Political circumstances and diplomatic pressure from Russia forced the Ottoman Empire to issue a decree (hatisherif) on privileges for Moldova, confirming the provisions of the Sultan's decrees (firmans) of 1774, 1783, 1791, which determined the material obligations of Moldova to the Porte: 7-year term of the rule of the ruler, the possibility of the resignation of the ruler before the deadline, only with the consent of both parties. But these measures were far from realizing the hopes and the true goal of the Moldovans - liberation from the Ottoman yoke. This goal coincided with the interests of Russia: strengthening its positions in the Balkans, on the Danube. The prerequisites for a new Russian-Turkish military conflict were obvious. On November 29, 1806, Russian troops entered Moldova and entered Iasi. On December 24 the Porte declared war on Russia.
In 1807, Turkey and Russia concluded the Slobodzeya truce in Wallachia, but in 1809 hostilities resumed. A year earlier, on September 30, 1808, Russia and France concluded a secret convention in Erfurt, according to which Napoleon I gave his consent for Moldova to be included in the Russian Empire. In return, Russia recognized the suzerainty of France over Spain. In the spring of 1811, M.I. was appointed commander-in-chief of the Russian troops on the Danube. Kutuzov. As a result of bold military operation Russian troops won the final victory in the battle of Ruschuk (10/14 - 11/18/1811).
Peace negotiations began on October 19, 1811 in Giurgiu and were continued in Bucharest. Russia demanded to transfer to her both principalities, Moldova and Wallachia, which she ruled at that moment. Since neither of the two powers was intent on giving in, the peace negotiations began in a rather tense atmosphere.
From November 1811, the French ambassador in Constantinople, Latour-Maubourg, urged the Turks to hold out until the future French campaign against Russia. But the Turks, bribed by the generosity of Russian gold, began to yield. In November 1811, they had already agreed that the territory between the Prut and the Dniester should go to Russia, except for the south, which included Chetatya Albe, Izmail and Kiliya. But in March 1812, the Turks ceded Chetatya Alba, and a month later, two other fortresses.
The dynamics of Russian-Turkish negotiations and the participation of external forces are reflected in the correspondence of the American Ambassador Adams in St. Petersburg. On March 21, 1811, he wrote: “The stubbornness of the Turkish Divan in negotiating (with Russia) is due to the influence of France, whose chargé d'affaires said that he persuaded them (the Turks) not to agree to the cession of Moldova and Wallachia, which were already declared part of the Russian empire." On June 22, 1811, he noted that “peace with Turkey is expected” and that “in order to conclude it, there are rumors that Russia has decided to withdraw from the two principalities that it has already annexed to its empire, and leave them to be ruled by princes independent of her and from the Porte. Finally, on July 13 of the same year, Adams pointed to a serious increase in Turkish claims: “They say that in proportion to Russia's desire to make peace, the Turks increase their demands so much that, instead of giving in, they even began to demand monetary compensation for themselves. But the fact remains that for the sake of peace, Russia will not return anything that it has seized.”
In addition to France, Austria and Prussia, Russia's rivals in the region, encouraged Porto not to concede and themselves made offers to Russia. Thus, on April 30, 1811, the Austrian ambassador in St. Petersburg proposed to the tsar "to be content with the border on the Prut River instead of the Danube in order to obtain peace." However, the king wanted to expand the borders at least to Siret. In correspondence with Prince Adam Czartoryski, he “offered” Austria Wallachia and part of Moldova between the Carpathians and the Siret, while Russia was supposed to receive Galicia from Austria and occupy Moldova from the Siret to the Dniester.
But the Turks were adamant. Only on March 22, 1812, Emperor Alexander I agreed to "the Prut as a border to the mouth of the Danube." In the end, the Turks also yielded, and the Russian-Turkish peace was concluded with great solemnity on May 16/28, 1812 in Bucharest. Articles IV and V legalized the division of the Principality of Moldova into two parts:
"Article IV: It was decided that the Prut River from its entrance to Moldavia to its connection with the Danube and the left bank of the Danube from this connection to the mouth of the Chilia and to the sea will constitute the border of both empires, for which this mouth will be common.
Article V: E . led. imp. and padishah all-Russian. gives and returns to the Brilliant Porte the Ottoman land of Moldavia, lying on the right bank of the Prut River, as well as large and small Wallachia with fortresses, in such a state as: they are now, with cities, towns, villages, dwellings and with everything that is in these provinces are not included, together with the islands of the Danube ...
Under the terms of the agreement, the Ottoman Empire ceded to Russia part of the Moldavian territory: the tsinuts of Hotin, Soroca, Orhei, Lapusna, Grechen, Hoternichen, Codru, Tighina, Kirligatura, Falciu, the eastern part of the Iasi tsinut and Budzhak, a total of 45,630 km² with 482,630 inhabitants , 5 fortresses, 17 cities and 695 villages. Thus, Moldova was divided into Western and Eastern Moldova, which Russian authorities called - Bessarabia.
Consequences of the peace treaty in Bucharest. Chronicler Manolache Dragic (1801-1887) in his work “History of Moldova for 500 years. Until today” (Iasi, 1857) rather emotionally described the dramatic moment of the division of Moldova: “The fateful day came when the agreement expired, and everyone had to stay where he chose to settle permanently; those unforgettable times were full of tears and complaints, because the people, like flocks of sheep, filled the entire bank of the Prut from edge to edge in a huge crowd, gathering from villages and cities for weeks and saying goodbye to their parents, brothers and relatives, with whom they grew up and lived until now and now parted forever.
The same Manolache Dragic spoke about the feelings of the population in the years following the partition of Moldova: “Nevertheless, the inhabitants of Moldova considered the agreement signed in Bucharest to be short-lived, expecting from day to day the return of the land seized by the Russians and the restoration of the old borders, but they were deceived in their expectations ".
1812 became a turning point in the history of Moldova. The Bucharest peace treaty led to a tragic break, Moldova was torn into two parts, and its fate was changed irreversibly.
In 1812, as a result of the Bucharest peace treaty, which ended the Russian-Turkish war of 1806-1812, the territory between the Dniester and the Prut became part of the Russian Empire, which, due to its territorial expansion to the east, strengthened its position in this region of South-Eastern Europe, and the newly annexed territory was seen as a springboard for further advance into the Balkans.
After the division of Moldova, the fate of its eastern part was determined by the aspirations, priorities and geostrategic interests of the Russian Empire. From that moment on, events in this part of Moldova were subject to the logic and interests of the Russian Empire.
The division of Moldova in 1812 was illegal, because Moldova was not a Turkish province, but a vassal state Ottoman Empire, and Turkey was not entitled to dispose of its territory. Thus, the process of division of Moldova was continued, which began in 1775, when Bukovina, part of the Moldavian state, was annexed by Austria. And in this process, along with Russia, Turkey, France, Austria-Hungary, Great Britain and Prussia participated.
Although the division of Moldova took place in violation of the norms of international law (of that era), not a single European state and not a single political force in Moldova protested, which allows us to assume that in 1812 Moldova fell victim to a large conspiracy of internal and external forces.
At that time, the Moldovans were not able to determine their own destiny. M. Eminescu rightly believed that our motto should be the words: “Expect nothing and be afraid of nothing. Without relying on anything, we will not trust strangers, as we trusted, but we will rely only on ourselves and those who are forced to be with us; without fear of anything, we do not need to ask for a bounty where it is an exotic plant.
However, the events of 1812 are often considered unilaterally, only as the annexation of the Prut-Dniester space by the Russian Empire. But forgetting, consciously or not, is another aspect of this historical event, namely the liberation from the Ottoman suzerainty, which for centuries dominated Moldova. Some historians tend to downplay the importance of this factor, stating that Ottoman suzerainty has become purely formal, incomparable with previous centuries. We cannot agree with this statement, because if the Ottoman suzerainty was formal, why was Romania (the state that emerged after the unification of Western Moldova with Wallachia) able to achieve independence from the Ottoman Empire only after the war of 1877-1878? at the cost of bloody battles and huge casualties?
We should not forget the fact that the Russian Empire in that era was perceived as a state-liberator of the peoples of the Balkan Peninsula from the rule of the Ottoman Empire. Serbs, Croats, Greeks, Bulgarians, Moldavians saw in the Russians a salvation from the oppressive Ottoman yoke, which eventually acquired sophisticated forms.
After the inclusion of the eastern part of Moldova into the Russian Empire, political, socio-economic, administrative, religious and cultural processes in the region developed under the influence of new realities. However, the new government did not resort to an immediate and radical dismantling of the existing administrative structures in Eastern Moldova, did not curtail the privileges of the boyars and other social strata.
Immediately after joining, Eastern Moldova was destined for the role of bait for the Christians of South-Eastern Europe. The tsarist government wanted to show the Balkan peoples a model of enlightened absolutism, liberal ambitions, offering people opportunities for development and prosperity. The tactics of small steps, the gradual introduction of tax system Russia, judicial practice, exemption from mandatory military service(until 1874). After 1812, in order to avoid social tension, the new authorities created temporary administrative structures in Bessarabia, which had much in common with those that existed in Moldova. Eastern Moldova acquired the status of a province in the 80s of the nineteenth century. It took 60 years for the transition from the old administrative organization to the new one.
In the context of the foregoing, it should be emphasized that we must perceive history in all its versatility and complexity, without simplifying anything, and not look for enemies now, based on historical facts that are not always objectively interpreted.
In this regard, we should remember that:
Thanks to Russia's victory over Turkey, Wallachia and Moldova received much more independence: in 1832, the Organic Regulations (constitutional acts of the principalities) developed by the Russian governor in these countries were adopted, a significant development of the economy and the education system was noted, the formation of the people's militia began, Parliaments were created, strengthened all the attributes of statehood.
. The arrival of the Russians was desired and expected by the population. Moreover, delegations from Moldova and Wallachia repeatedly visited the tsar with a request to free them from the hated Turks. It was the liberation of the Orthodox principalities from the Muslims that was the main goal of the Russian military campaign.
. It should not be forgotten that the south of Bessarabia, originally a Moldavian territory, by 1812 had not been controlled by Moldova for several centuries, but was a Turkish district.
. At the same time, it should be noted that in that era, religious self-identification of people, and to a lesser extent ethnic or state identity, was of decisive importance. This was the specifics of the era, which cannot be ignored from the position of today.
. Having occupied these principalities, Russia was ready to grant complete freedom to both Wallachia and Moldova. This was prevented by other states that were not interested in strengthening the positions of Russia and Orthodoxy in the region.
. This was not wanted by the Turks, who were supported by France and Austria-Hungary.
. Having won the war, having completely liberated the part of Basarabia occupied by the Turks (south of the Leova-Bendera line), Russia could not be left with nothing.
. Thus, the blame for the division of Moldova cannot be blamed on Russia alone. France, Turkey and Austria-Hungary are equally guilty of this.
. If we talk about the interests of the population, its standard of living, the economic development of the left and right banks of the Prut, then, of course, in Bessarabia the population always lived better than on the right bank of the Prut.
. Finally, perhaps thanks to the Peace of Bucharest, the Moldavian nation was preserved, and the Moldavian statehood was again revived in new historical conditions giving a chance to the entire Romanian people to return to their ancient roots.
The Treaty of Bucharest was concluded on May 16 (28), 1812 between Russia and Turkey following the Russo-Turkish War of 1806-1812. The treaty consisted of 16 open and 2 secret articles.
In accordance with the treaty, Russia received Bessarabia with the fortresses of Khotyn, Bendery, Akkerman, Kiliya and Izmail. The Russian-Turkish border was established along the Prut River to its confluence with the Danube and the Kiliya channel. Russia retained significant territories in the Transcaucasus, received the right to trade navigation along the entire course of the Danube.
The conclusion of the Treaty of Bucharest ensured the neutrality of the Ottoman Empire in the coming war with Napoleonic France.
Text of the Bucharest Peace Treaty of 1812
In the name of the Almighty God!
His Imperial Majesty the Most Serene and Most Powerful Great Sovereign Emperor and Autocrat of All Russia, and His Majesty the Most Serene and Most Powerful Great Sovereign Emperor Ottoman, having a sincere mutual desire that the ongoing real war between the mutual powers be stopped, but peace, friendship and good agreement were firmly restored, decided for the good of this righteous and salvific cause to entrust to the efforts and guidance of the main commissioners for this, namely: from His Imperial Majesty Autocrat of the All-Russian, most illustrious Count Golenishchev-Kutuzov, General of Infantry, Commander-in-Chief of the Army, all Russian orders, Grand Cross of the Imperial-Austrian Order of Maria Theresa Knight and Commander of the Sovereign Order of St. John of Jerusalem, and from His Majesty the Emperor of the Ottoman, the most illustrious and highly exalted Mr. Supreme Vizier of the Sublime Porte of the Ottoman Agmed Pasha, so that for the resolution, conclusion and signing of the contracts were elected, appointed and subject to full power of attorney from both parties were provided with worthy persons; as a result of which, from the side of the Russian Imperial, excellent and highly respected gentlemen were elected, appointed and authorized: Andrei of Italy, His Imperial Majesty's Privy Councilor, and so on, Ivan Sabaneev, from the Army of His Imperial Majesty, Lieutenant General, Chief of the General Staff of the Danube Large Army, and so on , and Joseph Fonton, His Imperial Majesty Actual State Councilor, and so on; from the side of the Sublime Porte of the Ottoman, excellent and highly respected gentlemen: Esseid Said Magommed Khalib-efendi, the real kegaya-bey of the Sublime Port of the Ottoman; Muftizade Ibrahim Selim-efendi, qazi-askir of Anadol, real judge of the Ottoman army, and Abdul Hamid-efendi, real yecherileri kiatibi, who, meeting in the city of Bucharest, after exchanging their powers, decided the following articles:
Article 1
The enmity and disagreement that existed hitherto between the two high empires are henceforth terminated by this treatise, both on land and on water, and may there be forever peace, friendship and good agreement between His Imperial Majesty the Autocrat and the Padishah of All Russia and His Majesty the Emperor and Ottoman padishah, their heirs and successors to the thrones and their mutual empires.
Both Highly Contracting Parties will make unremitting diligence to avert everything that could cause enmity between mutual subjects; they will fulfill exactly everything that has been decreed by this peaceful treatise, and they will strictly observe that henceforth, from either side, either openly or secretly, no action is taken contrary to this treatise.
Article 2
Both High Contracting Parties, thus restoring sincere friendship between themselves, deign to grant amnesty and general forgiveness to all those of their subjects who, in the continuation of the now ended war, have participated in hostilities, or in any way, contrary to the interests of their sovereigns and states. As a result of this amnesty granted to them, none of them will continue to be offended or oppressed for their past actions, but everyone who returns to his home will use the estate that he previously owned, under the protection and patronage of laws, on an equal basis with others.
Article 3
All treatises, conventions, acts and decrees made and concluded in different times between the Russian Imperial Court and the Brilliant Porte of the Ottoman Empire, is completely confirmed in everything both by this treatise and the previous ones, excluding only those articles that were subject to change from time to time; and both High Contracting Parties undertake to observe them sacredly and inviolably.
Article 4
The first article of the preliminary points, already signed in advance, decided that the Prut River from its entrance to Moldavia to its connection with the Danube and the left bank of the Danube from this connection to the mouth of the Chilia and to the sea, will constitute the border of both empires, for which this mouth will be common . Small islands, which were not inhabited before the war, and starting opposite Ishmael to the aforementioned mouth of Kiliya, are closer to the left bank, which belongs to Russia, will not be possessed by either of the two powers, and henceforth no fortifications or buildings will be made on them, but these islands will remain empty, and mutual subjects can come there only for fishing and logging. The sides of the two large islands opposite Ishmael and Kiliya will also remain empty and uninhabited for an hour's distance, starting from the nearest point on the aforementioned left bank of the Danube; this space will be marked with signs, and the former dwellings before the war, as well as the old Kiliya, will remain beyond this frontier line. As a result of the above article, the Brilliant Port of the Ottomans cedes and gives to the Russian Imperial Court the lands lying on the left bank of the Prut, with fortresses, towns, villages and dwellings located there, while the middle of the Prut River will be the border between both high empires.
The merchant ships of both Courts can, as before, enter the aforementioned mouth of the Kiliya, as well as along the entire course of the Danube River. As for the warships of the Russian Imperial Court, they can go there from the Kiliya mouth to the junction of the Prut River with the Danube.
Article 5
His Majesty the Emperor and the Padishah of All Russia gives and returns to the Brilliant Porte of the Ottoman Moldavian land, lying on the right bank of the Prut River, as well as Greater and Lesser Wallachia, with fortresses, in the state they are now, with cities, towns, villages, dwellings and with everything that is not included in these provinces, together with the islands of the Danube, excluding the above in the fourth article of this treatise.
Acts and decrees regarding the privileges of Moldavia and Wallachia, which existed and were observed before this war, are confirmed on the basis, as decided in the fifth article of the preliminary points. The conditions outlined in the fourth article of the Treaty of Jassy will be exactly fulfilled, and which read as follows: not to demand any payment for old accounts, nor taxes for all wartime, on the contrary, the inhabitants of these two provinces will be dismissed from all taxes henceforth for two years, counting from the day exchange of ratifications; and give time to the inhabitants of these provinces who wish to move from there to other places. It goes without saying that this period will be extended for four months, and that the Sublime Porte will agree to assess the taxes of Moldavia according to the proportion of its present land.
Article 6
Except for the border of the Prut River, the borders on the side of Asia and other places are being restored exactly as they were before the war, and as decided in the third article of the preliminary points. As a result, the Russian Imperial Court gives and returns to the Brilliant Ottoman Port, in the state in which fortresses and castles are now located, lying within this border and conquered by its weapons, along with cities, towns, villages, dwellings and with everything that this land contains in itself.
Article 7
The Mohammedan inhabitants of the lands ceded to the Russian Imperial Court, who could be in them because of the war, and the natural inhabitants of other places who remained during the war in the same ceded lands, may, if they wish, move to the regions of the Sublime Porte with their families and name and there forever remain under her rule; in which not only the slightest obstacle will not be put up for them, but they will also be allowed to sell their property to whom they wish from the local subjects and transfer the proceeds for that to the Ottoman lands. The same permission is given to the natural inhabitants of the aforementioned ceded lands, who have their own possessions there and are now in the regions of the Sublime Porte.
At this end, eighteen months are given to both of them, starting from the day of the exchange of ratifications of this treatise, for the disposal of their above-mentioned affairs. Likewise, the Tatars of the Edissapian horde, who crossed over from Bessarabia to Russia during this war, may, if they wish, return to the Ottoman regions, but with the fact that the Sublime Porte will then be obliged to pay the Russian Imperial Court for the costs that could be used for transportation and furnishing these Tatars.
On the other hand, Christians who have possessions in the lands ceded to the Russian court, as well as those who, being natives of these lands themselves, are now in other Ottoman places, may, if they wish, move and settle in the aforementioned ceded lands, with their families. and property; in which they will not be hindered in any way, and they are allowed to sell every kind of property that they own in the regions of the Sublime Porte to the inhabitants of the same Ottoman places, and transfer the proceeds for this to the regions of the Russian Empire, they will also be given eighteen months for this end. term counting from the date of exchange of ratifications of the present peace treaty.
Article 8
In accordance with what is decided by the fourth article of the preliminary points, although there is no doubt that the Sublime Porte, according to its rules, will use indulgence and generosity against the Serbian people, as from ancient times a subject of this state and paying tribute to it, however, considering the participation that the Serbs took in the actions of this war, it is recognized as decent to decide on special conditions for their safety. As a result, the Sublime Porte grants forgiveness and a general amnesty to the Serbs, and they can in no way be disturbed for their past deeds. Fortresses that they could build on the occasion of the war in the lands inhabited by them, and which were not there at all before, will be, since they are useless for the future, destroyed, and the Sublime Porte will continue to take possession of all the fortresses, padans and other fortified always existing in places, with artillery, military supplies and other articles and military drugs, and she will establish garrisons there as she sees fit. But so that these garrisons do not do any oppression to the Serbs, contrary to the rights of subjects belonging; then the Sublime Porte, moved by a feeling of mercy, will at this end take with the Serbian people the measures necessary for their safety. She bestows on the Serbs, at their request, the same benefits enjoyed by the subjects of her islands of the Rhipelago and other places, and makes them feel the effect of her generosity, leaving them to themselves the management of their internal affairs, determining the measure of their taxes, receiving them from their own hands, and she will finally dispose of all these things in common with the Serbian people.
Article 9
All prisoners of war, both male and female, of whatever people and state they may be, who are in both empires, must, soon after the exchange of ratifications of this peace treaty, be returned and given out without the slightest ransom or payment, excluding, however, Christians who have accepted of their own will, the Mohammedan faith in the regions of the Brilliant Porte, and the Mohammedans, who also, according to their perfect desire, accepted the Christian faith in the regions of the Russian Empire.
The same will be done with those Russian subjects who, after the signing of this peace treaty, would have been taken prisoner for some reason, and who may be in the areas belonging to the Brilliant Porte. The Russian court promises, for its part, to act equally with all the subjects of the Sublime Porte.
For the amounts used by both High Contracting Parties for the maintenance of prisoners, no payment should be demanded. Moreover, each of the two sides will supply these prisoners with everything they will need on their way to the border, where they will be exchanged by mutual commissars.
Article 10
All cases and demands of mutual subjects, postponed due to war, will not be abandoned, but again considered and decided, by virtue of laws, after the conclusion of peace. The debts that mutual subjects may have on each other, as well as debts on the treasury, must be immediately and fully paid.
Article 11
After the conclusion of a peace treaty between the two high empires, and after the exchange of ratifications by both sovereigns, the ground forces and the flotilla of the Russian Imperial Court will come out of the pretexts of the Ottoman Empire. But how this withdrawal must be considered with the distance of the places and their circumstances, then both High Contracting Parties agreed to fix a three-month period, counting from the day of the exchange of ratifications, for a final withdrawal, both on the part of Moldavia and Wallachia, and on the part of Asia. As a result, from the day of the exchange of ratifications until the expiration of the aforementioned period, the ground forces of the Russian Imperial Court will completely withdraw from both the European and Asian sides, from all the lands returned to the Sublime Porte of the Ottoman Empire by this treaty; the flotilla and all warships will also leave the waters of the Sublime Porte of the Ottomans.
As long as the Russian troops will be in the lands and fortresses that will be returned to the Brilliant Porte of the Ottoman in accordance with this peace treaty, until the expiration of the period for the withdrawal of the troops, until then the administration and order of things will remain in the state in which they now exist, under the rule of the Russian of the Imperial Court, and the Sublime Porte of the Ottomans will not interfere in any way until the expiration of the period appointed for the departure of all troops, who will supply themselves with all food supplies and other necessary items before last day their way out, in the same way as they have been supplying themselves there until now.
Article 12
When a minister or chargé d'affaires of the Russian Imperial Court, residing in Constantinople, submits a note to demand, by virtue of Article VII of the Treaty of Jassy, satisfaction for losses caused to subjects and merchants of the Russian Imperial Court by corsairs of the governments of Algeria, Tunisia and Tripolye or to protest on objects pertaining to the provisions of the commercial treatise, confirmed, and which would cause controversy and complaints; in such a case, the Sublime Porte of the Ottomans will turn its attention to the fulfillment of what the treatises prescribe, and that the mentioned subjects be investigated and resolved, without any omission of the prescriptions and publications to that end published. The Russian Imperial Court will observe the same thing in the reasoning of the subjects of the Sublime Porte in accordance with commercial regulations.
Article 13
At the conclusion of this peace treaty, the Russian Imperial Court agrees that the Brilliant Porte of the Ottomans, in the similarity of worship with the Persians, use their good offices so that the war between the Russian Court and the Persian state is over, and peace is restored between them by their mutual consent.
Article 14
Upon the exchange of ratifications of this peace treaty by the plenipotentiaries of both empires, orders will be sent mutually and without delay to all commanders of the troops, both land and sea, to stop hostile actions; those that followed after the signing of this treatise are to be considered as if they had not happened, and will not cause any change in the decrees depicted in this treatise. In the same way, everything that would have been won by one or another of the High Contracting Parties during this intertemporal period will be returned immediately.
Article 15
Upon the signing of this peace treaty by mutual plenipotentiaries, the plenipotentiary of His Majesty the Emperor of All Russia and the Supreme Vizier of the Sublime Porte of the Ottoman will confirm it, and the acts will be exchanged with the same powers ten days after the signing of this treaty, and sooner, if possible.
Article 16
This treatise of eternal peace on the part of His Majesty the Emperor and Padishah of All Russia and on the part of His Majesty the Emperor and Padishah of the Ottoman Empire, has to be approved and ratified by solemn ratifications signed by Their Majesties' own hand, which should be exchanged by mutual plenipotentiaries in the same place where this very the peace treaty is concluded, in four weeks, or as soon as possible, counting from the date of the conclusion of this treaty.
This peace act, containing sixteen articles, and which will be accomplished by the exchange of mutual ratifications within the prescribed time, is signed by the strength of our powers, approved with our seals and exchanged for another similar one, signed by the aforementioned plenipotentiaries of the Brilliant Port of the Ottoman and approved by their seals.
Done at Bucharest, May 16th, 1812.
The war between Russia and the Ottoman Empire, which began in 1806, was the eighth of all the numerous Russian-Turkish armed conflicts. Before this war Ottoman sultan overthrew the rulers of Moldavia and Wallachia (future Romania), which contradicted the earlier Russian-Turkish agreements, according to which the consent of Russia was required for the appointment and removal of the Moldavian and Wallachian rulers.
In response to these actions of the Turkish authorities, in November 1806, Russian troops crossed the border, which then passed along the Dniester River. The Turkish fortresses of Bendery, Khotyn and Akkerman (now Belgorod-Dnestrovsky) surrendered without a fight. In December, our troops occupied Bucharest, but the first attempt to capture the Izmail fortress at the mouth of the Danube (16 years earlier taken by storm by Suvorov's "miracle heroes") failed.
Active fighting turned around only in the next, 1807. On the Romanian lands, Russian troops defeated the Turkish vanguards, who were trying to cross to the northern bank of the Danube, and in Transcaucasia, the Turkish army was defeated on the Armenian Arpachay River. At the same time, the Russian fleet under the command of Admiral Dmitry Senyavin defeated the Turkish squadron in a naval battle off the coast of Greece in the Aegean Sea.
It must be remembered that this Russian-Turkish war was going on simultaneously with the war against Napoleon, and the main forces of the Russian army were far from the borders of the Ottoman Empire - in the center of Europe, in East Prussia. In addition, at the same time, a Russian-Persian war was going on in Transcaucasia and on the shores of the Caspian Sea, so our country had to fight on three fronts at once: against the French, Turks and Persians.
Only in the summer of 1809, the Russian army crossed to the southern bank of the Danube, in September occupied the fortress of Izmail and defeated several Turkish corps on the territory of Bulgaria. In the Caucasus, our troops stormed the fortresses of Anapa and Poti. In the following year, 1810, Russian soldiers occupied all the Turkish fortresses on the Danube and in northern Bulgaria up to the borders with Serbia, the fortified port of Sukhum-Kale (now Sukhumi, the capital of Abkhazia) was taken in the Caucasus.
In 1811, it became known that Napoleon was preparing to invade Russia - under such conditions, it was necessary to end the war with the Turks as soon as possible and successfully in order to secure the southern flank of the Russian Empire on the eve of the war with almost all of Europe, which submitted to the French dictator. The famous commander, student of Suvorov, infantry general Mikhail Illarionovich Kutuzov was appointed the new commander of the Russian army on the Danube.
In July 1811, a 15,000-strong Russian detachment under the command of Kutuzov defeated a 60,000-strong Ottoman army near the Bulgarian town of Ruschuk. Then the experienced commander deliberately withdrew his army to the left bank of the Danube. When the Turks followed him across the river, Kutuzov managed to surround them and block the Danube crossings.
A month later, in November 1811, the actually surrounded Turkish army on the northern bank of the Danube capitulated and surrendered to Kutuzov's troops. This catastrophic defeat caused Istanbul to sue for peace.
Peace talks in Bucharest were also led by the commander Kutuzov. He forced the Turkish vizier Ahmet Pasha to accept all Russian demands: the Ottoman Empire ceded to Russia the lands between the Prut and Dniester rivers, the port of Sukhumi and the lands of Western Georgia. But the main Russian victory was not even territorial acquisitions, but the fact that Turkey, at the request of Kutuzov, abandoned the alliance with Napoleon.
No matter how hard the French diplomats tried to drag out the Russian-Turkish war and peace negotiations, the Turkish vizier and Mikhail Kutuzov signed the text of the Treaty of Bucharest on May 28 (16 according to the old style), 1812: “The enmity and disagreement that hitherto existed between both high empires cease from now on this treatise, both on land and on water ... ".
Thus, on the eve of the French invasion, Russia secured its southern borders and freed tens of thousands of soldiers for future battles with Napoleon.
Having defeated the Turks in time and forcing them to sign a peace treaty, Mikhail Illarionovich Kutuzov, just a month before the start of the battles with the troops of Bonaparte, won a major strategic victory, which largely predetermined the salvation of our country in 1812.
Read in the rubric In May 2017, the Russian readership will meet with a unique book, the heroes of which are the streets of the Northern Capital of Russia that come to life on its pages.
On May 16 (28), 1812, Russia and the Ottoman Empire ended another war by signing a peace treaty in Bucharest. Before the invasion of Napoleon's army in Russia, there was less than a month left.
Reason for Russian-Turkish war 1806-1812 was the removal of the rulers of Moldavia and Wallachia, Constantine Ypsilanti and Alexander Muruzi, by Sultan Selim III.
This action, carried out in August 1806 under pressure from the French envoy General Sebastiani, was a flagrant violation of the treaties between the two empires. According to them, the rulers of Moldavia and Wallachia could be appointed and removed only with the consent of Russia.
Turkey ignored the protests of Russian diplomats, and in September closed the Bosphorus and the Dardanelles for the passage of any Russian ships.
Military instructors, advisers, experts in the construction of fortresses poured into Turkey from France. Sebastiani, pushing the Sultan to war, promised direct military assistance.
Unable to reason diplomatically with the Turks, Petersburg sent troops into Moldavia and Wallachia.
In 1807, the squadron of Vice Admiral D. Senyaev defeated the Turkish fleet.
Failed to develop success. Russia, as part of an anti-French coalition, clashed with France. The main forces had to be thrown against Napoleon.
In the summer of 1807, the confrontation ended in the Treaty of Tilsit, which was unfavorable for Russia. France and Russia pledged to jointly oppose any power. Alexander I had to join Napoleon's continental blockade of England. Refusal to trade with it was unprofitable for both the treasury and entrepreneurs.
Alexander wrote to his mother: "The alliance with Napoleon is only a change in the means of fighting against him."
Napoleon took upon himself mediation in the negotiations between Russia and Turkey for the signing of peace. However, Bonaparte was a crafty mediator. The negotiations ended with a truce.
In March 1809 hostilities resumed. For two years, the Russian troops failed to achieve decisive success.
And in the situation of the impending threat from the West, the emperor remembered his "anti-crisis manager" - 65-year-old M. I. Golenishchev-Kutuzov. On March 7, 1811, he became commander-in-chief of the Danube army - the sixth since the beginning of the war.
The decisive events unfolded in the fall. Under pressure from Paris, on the night of September 9, the Turks began to cross the Danube. main part their troops were transported 4 km above the Ruschuk fortress, near Slobodzeya. In three days, 40 thousand people crossed to the left bank.
“Let them cross, only they would have crossed to our shore more,” said Kutuzov, who was looking at this.
On the night of October 1, the seven thousandth detachment of Lieutenant General E. Markov crossed the Danube and attacked the Turkish troops on the right bank of the river. Using the surprise factor, ours scattered 20 thousand Turks, losing 9 people killed and 40 wounded.
“The prudence and speed of General Markov surpass all praise,” Kutuzov reported to the Minister of War M. Barclay de Tolly. Turkish artillery, ships, food and ammunition ended up with the Russians.
Having defeated the enemy near Ruschuk, Kutuzov proceeded to defeat him on the left bank of the Danube. Surrounded and under the guns of their own guns, the Turks were left without food, firewood, clothing, clean water. They ate horses, ate roots and grass. The Turks made their way to the Russian positions, hoping to exchange food.
Kutuzov wrote to M. Barclay de Tolly that "some offer their expensive weapons for a few rolls, they have nothing to make a fire with, since they burned all the tent poles, all the damaged gun carriages."
Hundreds of people died daily in the Turkish camp. Many gave up.
Special mention must be made of the attitude towards the captive Gentiles. During the Russo-Turkish war of 1806-1812, our command pointed out to subordinates the "affectionate treatment" of prisoners. They were provided with clothing and monetary allowance.
Barclay de Tolly reminded Kutuzov of the need to supply the Turks with “serviceable and decent” clothes and shoes, make sure that they do not need food and that “there is no resentment or oppression” and that “every possible help and affectionate treatment” is provided. …
In October 1811, Sultan Mahmud II was forced to negotiate peace. This turn alarmed France. Her ambassador Latour-Maubourg began to persuade the Sultan to continue the war, hinting at Napoleon's imminent invasion of Russia. Turkey was promised the Danubian principalities, Crimea and Transcaucasia.
The maneuvers of the French diplomats were no mystery to Kutuzov. The diplomatic experience accumulated in Catherine's time was useful to him. As the Russian ambassador to Turkey, Kutuzov understood the strategy of the Western powers aimed at inciting the Russian-Turkish conflict.
One way was to spread rumors that Turkey was preparing to attack Russia or Russia attack Turkey. Sowing the seeds of mutual distrust between Russia and Turkey, London and Paris pushed them to another war.
This time, "black PR" helped Russia. From somewhere there was a rumor that Russia and France were preparing to conclude an alliance against Turkey. And since not even five years had passed since the signing of the Tilsit peace, such a prospect looked real.
The frightened Sultan, ignoring the generous promises of Paris, convened an emergency council. After weighing all the pros and cons, 50 out of 54 participants voted for peace with Russia.
Under the terms of the Bucharest peace, the Russian-Turkish border passed along the Prut until it joined the Danube. Bessarabia with the fortresses of Khotyn, Bandera, Akkerman, Kiliya and Izmail, as well as a section of the Black Sea coast with the city of Sukhum, went to Russia.
Russia received naval bases in the Caucasus and the right to trade navigation along the entire course of the Danube.
For the peoples of Moldavia and Wallachia, Kutuzov achieved the preservation of the privileges established by the Iasi Peace Treaty of 1791.
The treaty confirmed Russia's right to patronize Orthodox subjects of the Ottoman Empire.
Article 6 ordered St. Petersburg to return to Turkey all the points in the Caucasus, "weapon ... conquered." This was the basis for the return of Anapa, Poti, Akhalkalaki taken from the battle - and at the same time the reason for keeping Sukhum.
The Sultan undertook not to act in alliance with Napoleon, and also to use "his good offices" to conclude peace between Russia and Persia, the war between which had been going on since 1804.
The peace was concluded on favorable terms for Russia, improved its strategic position and liberated the Danube army on the eve of the "invasion of twelve languages" that followed a month later.
Russia owes its foreign policy success to Mikhail Illarionovich Kutuzov, for whom 1812 became a stellar year not only in military career but also in the diplomatic field.
| Part II
End of the Russo-Turkish War of 1806-1812
March 7 (19), 1811 next (after General I.I. Mikhelson, General Baron K.I. Meyendorff, Field Marshal Prince A.A. Prozorovsky, General Prince P.I. Bagration, Gen. Count N.M. Kamensky) M.I. was appointed commander-in-chief of the Danube army in this war. Kutuzov.
“On the occasion of the illness of the general from infantry, Count Kamensky 2nd, dismissing him until he is cured,” the imperial rescript said, “we are appointing you commander-in-chief of the Moldavian army. We are very pleased, by conferring this title, to open to you new way to fame and glory." He accepted the choice of the monarch with dignity. “The power of attorney of the Sovereign in such an important case,” he wrote to the Minister of War on March 1 (13), “contains everything that can only flatter a person, even the least ambitious. In less aged years I would have been more useful. Chance gave me knowledge of that land and of the enemy. I wish that my bodily strength, in the performance of my duties, would sufficiently correspond to my most important feeling. The nature of military operations with this appointment has undergone major changes.
The new commander-in-chief faced a difficult task, he needed to achieve what his predecessors had failed to do, although with the arrival of Kutuzov, a significant part of the army - 5 divisions - had already begun to be withdrawn to Russia. 4 divisions numbering about 46 thousand people remained on the Danube. On the other hand, the Turkish army was strengthened to 60 thousand people, it was headed by the new Grand Vizier Ahmed Pasha, who sought to advance. Knowledge of "the land and the enemy" was absolutely necessary to achieve peace. The general knew the vizier from the time of his embassy to Constantinople in 1783 and, first of all, considered it necessary to inform his old acquaintance of his appointment and congratulate Akhmed on his successes in the official field. Kutuzov thought about future negotiations, but his old acquaintance did not. A large number of French instructors, especially in artillery, gave Ahmed Pasha confidence in his strength. The Turks planned to use their numerical superiority and cross the Danube in two large detachments. Kutuzov initially entered into negotiations with the Grand Vizier, offering him to start discussing the terms of peace on the terms of Russia's renunciation of indemnities and the reduction of territorial requirements. However, Ahmed Pasha refused these lucrative offers, counting on success and the early start of the Russian-French war.
The new commander-in-chief of the Moldavian army in his further actions proceeded from two calculations: 1) it is impossible to defend the entire line of the Danube from Belgrade to the mouth of the river with the forces of 4 divisions; 2) in order to keep the Turks beyond the Danube, they must be disturbed on the right bank of the river. Therefore, he decided to go on the offensive from the Ruschuk fortress, knowing that it would attract enemy forces. Kutuzov never underestimated the enemy and was not going to take actions fraught with losses and successes that could not be developed into a real victory. “I will not miss a chance,” I wrote to the Minister of War from Bucharest on May 20 (June 1), “so as not to take advantage of any unconsidered step of the enemy. To go to the vizier in Shumla, to attack him in this fortification, strong in nature and some degree of skill, approved fortification, and it is impossible, and would not bring any benefit; and the acquisition of such a fortification, according to the plan of a defensive war, is not at all necessary. But it may be that by my modest behavior, I will encourage the vizier himself to leave, or send, if possible, a noble corps, to Razgrad, or further to Ruschuk. And if such an event happens to me, then, having taken the entire corps of Essen on the 3rd, except for a small number that should remain in Ruschuk, I will lead them to the enemy. At a favorable location for our troops, the unfortified Razgrad, of course, with God's help, I will break it and I can pursue it, up to 25 miles, without any risk.
Active defense did not mean abandoning the support of the allies. Back in April 1811, the commander-in-chief shipped 200,000 rifle cartridges to Kara-George and sent a detachment of Major General Count I.K. Orurka. The general also managed to bypass the Austrian ban on the supply of food to the Serbian rebels and conclude a secret agreement with the Austrian grain merchants, who pledged to secretly ensure food supplies. June 19 (July 1), 1811 Kutuzov crossed the Danube with 20 thousand people. at Ruschuk. For the uninterrupted supply of his army, he managed to use the differences between the Grand Vizier and Viddin Pasha. Mulla Pasha was afraid that, if the Sultan's army succeeded, he would have to leave his place, which was virtually uncontrolled by anyone, and preferred to negotiate the sale of the Turkish Danube Flotilla to the Russians for 50,000 chervonets. On June 22 (July 4), the Turks, as the Russian commander wanted, launched an offensive near Ruschuk and were defeated under this fortress. Having lost about 5 thousand people, Ahmed Pasha immediately retreated to a remote fortified camp, hoping to meet a Russian attack there. Kutuzov did not go along with these plans and made a decision that surprised everyone: “If we follow the Turks, we will probably reach Shumla, but then what will we do! It would be necessary to return, as in the previous year, and the vizier would declare himself the winner. It is much better to encourage my friend Ahmed Bey and he will come to us again.”
The commander-in-chief decided to gather all his 4 divisions into a single fist. He withdrew the garrison from Ruschuk, blew up its fortifications and returned to the left bank of the Danube. Ahmed Pasha immediately occupied the city and declared his victory. On July 17 (29), a messenger of the Grand Vizier came to Kutuzov's headquarters with a letter in which he outlined his preliminary demands for a peace treaty - the restoration of the territorial integrity of the pre-war possessions of the Porte. Kutuzov refused. Encouraged by their successes, the Turks began to implement their old plans. On July 20 (August 1), the 20,000-strong corps of Izmail Bey began to cross the Danube near Kalafat, where he was firmly locked up by a 6,000-strong Russian detachment sent there in advance under the command of Lieutenant General A.P. von Zass. The news from the Danube made Paris very happy. They hoped for the continuation of the Russian-Turkish war and looked with displeasure at the transfer of part of the Moldavian army to the north.
On August 15, 1811, at a reception on his name day, Napoleon immediately noted this in a conversation with the Russian ambassador. Naturally, the French emperor dressed his displeasure in the form of concern for Russian interests: “... by withdrawing five divisions from the Danube army, you have deprived yourself of the means to deal a strong blow to the Turks and thereby force them to conclude a peace favorable to you. I don't understand what your hopes for peace talks in Bucharest are based on. Fearing the imaginary danger advertised by some newspapers, you have weakened the Danubian army to such an extent that it cannot even maintain a defensive position. It is extremely difficult to defend such a stretched line as from Viddin to the Black Sea. Judging by further events, Kutuzov perfectly understood the difficulty of the last task, and therefore came up with an original solution for it. On August 28 (September 9), the vizier began to cross to the left bank of the Danube near the village of Slobodzeya, a few kilometers above Ruschuk. The place was chosen in such a way that the Turkish artillery, stationed on the high right bank, could support the Turkish army across the river. Under this cover, the Turks immediately fortified their camp with trenches. On September 2 (14), about 36 thousand people crossed there. All that worried Kutuzov was that as many Turks as possible crossed to the left bank of the river.
Even earlier, the Russian commander-in-chief, having correctly calculated the course of action of the enemy, moved the 9th and 15th divisions closer to the Danube, which played the role of a reserve, and on September 8 (20) threw them in reinforced marches to Slobodzeya. As a result, the grand vizier did not dare to try to move away from his crossing. Contrary to his expectations, Kutuzov did not attack the Turkish camp, but firmly surrounded it with Russian fortifications. On the night of October 1 (13), the 7,000-strong detachment of Lieutenant General E.I. Markov secretly crossed the Danube 12 kilometers above Slobodzeya and on October 2 (14) suddenly attacked part of the Turkish army, which was stationed on the right bank near the artillery. In a short battle, Markov scattered over 30 thousand Turks, losing only 9 people. killed and 40 wounded. The Turkish camp, all the artillery, ships and supplies of the Grand Vizier were captured. The Turkish army was surrounded by their own guns. “All our troops on the left bank of the Danube,” Kutuzov later reported, “were witnesses of the horror that spread throughout the Turkish camp, with the inadvertent approach of General Markov.”
On October 7 (19), von Zass undertook exactly the same operation, crossing part of his blocking detachment under Viddin. With the support of the Serbian militias, a 3,000-strong Russian detachment defeated the troops of the local pasha. Ishmael Bey immediately abandoned Calafat and hastily retreated beyond the Balkans. Russian troops again began active operations across the Danube. On October 10 (22) and 11 (23) Turtukai and Silistria were taken. All this time, the Serbs did not stop their actions, who received a lot of help with weapons, money and ammunition. The success was complete, but it was complicated by the fact that the grand vizier himself was surrounded, who, according to Turkish tradition, did not have the right to negotiate in such a situation. Fortunately, on October 3 (15) he escaped from the camp. Joyful Kutuzov congratulated the generals and officers of his headquarters on this: "The vizier is gone, his escape brings us closer to peace." The general was not mistaken - on October 16 (28), 1811, peace negotiations began. The position of the blockaded army became tragic - having eaten all the horses, the camp garrison ate grass, suffering from a shortage of absolutely everything - from firewood to clean water, inclusive. Mortality reached several hundred people daily. Turkish soldiers tried to approach the Russian positions to buy or barter food, but the commander strictly forbade such an exchange. About 2 thousand people. defected to the Russian side.
Meanwhile, the complete destruction of this army was by no means part of Kutuzov's plans - he needed it as a guarantee of negotiations. So he began to feed her, and prepare to keep this pledge under guard. “If you use force against the Turkish army, which, so to speak, is under my guard,” he wrote on November 11 (23), 1811, to Barclay de Tolly, “then I will inevitably break the negotiations, and, having taken this army, although I will do it, that Porta will have less than fifteen thousand troops, but I will embitter the sultan and, according to his well-known temper, I will perhaps give up hope for peace for a long time, and if, moreover, the conditions now offered seem similar to the court, what a heavy responsibility I am subject to and, perhaps, a curse from the whole nation. On the other hand, to keep the Turkish army in such a position as I have it now, the season, perhaps, will not allow me for a long time; when the ice on the Danube goes, then I will have to remove the flotilla from its position, and maybe return Lieutenant General Markov to this side. The only way that I begin to put into action, if I could succeed, is the following: since I give the Turkish army very little food and it does not have with it, as soon as summer clothes, it suffers hunger and cold and daily starts to our outposts, asking for mercy with bread; some offer their expensive weapons for a few rolls, they have nothing to make fire with, so they burned all the tent poles and all the damaged gun carriages. As a result, an offer was made to the Turks - to move inland from the Danube, closer to the Russian army stores, where they would be prepared for a camp and provided with supplies according to the standards of the Russian army. The condition was the surrender of weapons.
November 23 (December 5), 1811, the remnants of the Turkish army capitulated. 12 thousand people they were actually taken prisoner (formally they were not yet considered prisoners of war), 56 guns also became trophies. Russian victories plunged Vienna into a fussy gloom. Metternich made no secret of the fact that any peace treaty between Russia and Turkey, concluded on terms other than the preservation of pre-war borders, would be unfavorable for Austria. The reason was simple. “I am as much afraid of the offended vanity of the minister as of the threatening damage to the benefits of Austria. - The Russian envoy reported from Vienna. “She cannot look with indifference at our acquisitions in the east, the only country to which her claims to acquisitions are directed, which can reward her for the losses suffered in the wars against France.” Most of all, Napoleon was annoyed. The news from the banks of the lower Danube infuriated him: “Understand these dogs, these scoundrels, the Turks, who managed to let themselves be beaten in this way! Who could have foreseen this and expected this!” - so the emperor of France reacted to this news.
Indeed, the calculations of Paris were frustrated. French diplomacy strained every effort to disrupt the peace treaty. Napoleon offered an alliance to the Sultan and promised to facilitate the return of all the territories lost by Turkey over the past 60 years. Alexander I, in the name of the Fatherland, urged Kutuzov to make every effort to conclude peace, and he complied with the order. His task was simplified by the actions of the Ambassador of France, who in his desire to keep the Sultan in the war went to the point of threats, by the efforts of the Ambassador of England, who sought to bring about an end to the war. The position of Turkey was extremely difficult, she needed peace. The sultan did not have an army, a mutiny broke out in the navy, the capital suffered from a shortage of bread. However, the position of commander-in-chief was not easy. The emperor expected from him not just the end of the war. “Having carefully considered everything that happened and weighing all the circumstances related to the political situation in Europe,” he wrote to Kutuzov on December 12 (24), 1811, “I find: 1) that peace, indecent to the dignity of Russia, will be more harmful for her than useful ; 2) detracting from this respect for the might of Russia, will prove a clear lack of firmness of our cabinet, and; 3) bring on a sad conception of our commissioners and the motives with which they acted.
Thus, the commander-in-chief needed to rush to conclude peace, but not to make concessions in the face of the obvious impending war on Russia. The latter could not but affect the intransigence of the Turks. The Sultan's Council, assembled in November 1811, came out for peace only on the condition that the demands of the Russian side were moderate. Kutuzov, in order to achieve his goals, was forced to show considerable diplomatic skill. Peace negotiations were protracted and complicated. To accelerate them, Kutuzov demonstrated a willingness to move from words to actions. On January 1 (13), 1812, he warned of the possibility of ending the truce, after which the surrendered army was transferred to the category of prisoners of war and legally, which had to be done on January 3 (15). At the end, in January 1812, the commander ordered four small Russian detachments to cross the Danube at Sistovo, Silistia, Galati and Izmail and demonstrate Russian weapons to the Turkish coast. On February 2 (14) this was used. Nobody interfered with this demonstration, and a few days later the detachments returned back, as unhindered as they had come. A simple raid did much to speed things up in Bucharest.
At the last stage, the negotiations were under serious threat. On February 11 (23), 1812, the emperor signed the Imperial Rescript, which said: “... wanting to decisively end the war with Porto, I do not find the best remedy to achieve this goal, how to make a strong blow under the walls of Constantinople by sea and land forces. Three divisions were assigned to the landing, of which only one was in the Crimea, the second - as part of the Moldavian army, and the third - in Podolia. Troops have already begun to move to Sevastopol and Odessa. Lieutenant General Duke E.O. was appointed at the head of the expedition. de Richelieu. Troop movements were noticeable and caused great concern to the Turkish delegation. Following this, Kutuzov skillfully used not only military success, but also rumors about the proposals for the division of the Ottoman Empire, made by Napoleon on the eve of Erfurt, which greatly worried the Turks, who did not particularly trust their Parisian patron.
March 5 (17), 1812 N.P. Rumyantsev sent a secret message to the Commander-in-Chief, which played a significant role in subsequent negotiations: “Today, the adjutant wing, Colonel Chernyshev, arrived here from Paris, sent by courier from Emperor Napoleon with a letter to His Imperial Majesty, in which he, in convincing sayings, expresses his readiness to agree with Sovereign Emperor about the means that can serve to his satisfaction and to maintain the closest connection between Russia and France. Ambassador Prince Kurakin confirms the same thing, drawing the attention of the Supreme Court to the unquestionable way, according to correct information that has come down to him, to stop all strife with France. This method is the division of the Ottoman Empire, or, more precisely, the provinces belonging to it in Europe. The similarity of these news with those that have come down to us from Stockholm was found by His Majesty to be so important that he ordered me to immediately send a courier to Your Excellency with this news. The emperor ordered this information to be brought to the Turkish side, accompanied by assurances of his conviction about the need for the existence of the Ottoman Empire and peace between it and Russia. This information was masterfully used by Kutuzov, becoming, obviously, trustworthy from the point of view of the Turks. This once again accelerated the course of negotiations.
On April 18 (30), 1812, Kutuzov, in an instruction to Russian representatives at the negotiations, outlined the main requirements for a future peace treaty, which had been communicated to him shortly before by the chancellor. They consisted of 4 items:
"one. Peaceful and calm existence of the Serbs and giving them the opportunity to establish a system of civil and internal management in their own country and to manage themselves; at the same time, the sovereign rights of the sultan should in no way be infringed or diminished.
2. Confirmation of the privileges granted to Wallachia and the remainder of Moldavia, with additions on which agreement was reached at the conference in Zhurzhevo.
3. The cession of the conquests made in Asia during the war, or, if this proves impossible, the maintenance of the status quo for five years, after which time, or even before its expiration, the commissioners appointed by either side shall proceed to fix the frontier by friendly agreement, or, finally, complete silence in the treaty on this border.
4. Establishment of the border in Europe along the Seret, in accordance with the agreement reached in Zhurzhevo.
By early May 1812 the negotiations were close to completion. Both sides thought it best to make concessions. “I surrender to the generosity of Your Imperial Majesty. - Reported from Bucharest on May 4 (16) to Emperor Kutuzov. - That I could not do anything better, the reason for this is the state of affairs in Europe; that I did not miss any efforts and methods, God is my witness.” Kutuzov felt the approach of the denouement, on May 6 (18) Admiral Chichagov arrived in Bucharest with a favorable rescript of Alexander I, signed on April 5 (17), 1812: “By making peace with the Ottoman Port, interrupting the actions of the army, I find it decent that you arrive in Petersburg, where you are expected to receive awards for all the famous merits that you have rendered to Me and the Fatherland. Hand over the army entrusted to you to Admiral Chichagov. Of course, the emperor could not be sure that peace would be concluded by the time Kutuzov's successor arrived, and just in case, he had with him another rescript ordering him to transfer the army to Chichagov and depart for Petersburg to participate in the State Council. The emperor did not favor Kutuzov and clearly did not want his name to be associated with a successful end to a long and not always successful war. Kutuzov understood everything and stayed in Bucharest for another 10 days - until the signing of the contract.
Under the terms of the Peace of Bucharest, Russia received Bessarabia, the border in Europe was transferred from the Dniester River to the Prut until its connection with the Danube, the freedom of Russian merchant navigation along this river was ensured, the Danube principalities occupied by Russian troops were returned to Turkey, but at the same time their internal autonomy, granted on on the basis of Kyuchuk-Kaynardzhysky (1774) and Yassky (1791) peace treaties. Article 8 obliged Constantinople to grant Serbia autonomy in matters of internal government and the right for Serbian officials to collect taxes in favor of the Sultan. At the same time, in the same article, Russia was forced to make concessions:
“In accordance with what is decided by the fourth article of the preliminary points, although there is no doubt that the Sublime Porte, according to its rules, will use indulgence and generosity against the Serbian people, as from ancient times a subject of this power and paying tribute to it, however, considering the participation that the Serbs took in the actions of this war, it is recognized as decent to decide on special conditions for their safety. As a result, the Sublime Porte grants forgiveness and a general amnesty to the Serbs, and they thus cannot be disturbed for their past deeds. Fortresses that they could build on the occasion of the war in the lands inhabited by them, and which were not there before, will be, since they are useless for the future, destroyed and the Sublime Porte will continue to take possession of all the fortresses, palancas and other fortified places , existing from ancient times, with artillery, military supplies and other items and military projectiles, and she will establish garrisons there at her discretion. But, so that these garrisons do not make any oppression to the Serbs in opposition to the rights belonging to the subjects, then the Sublime Porte, moved by a feeling of mercy, will take measures with the Serbian people for this end, necessary for their safety. She grants the Serbs, at their request, the same benefits that the subjects of her islands of the Archipelagos and other places enjoy, and makes them feel the actions of her generosity, leaving them to themselves the management of their internal affairs, determining the measure of their taxes, receiving them from their own hands, and she will establish, finally, all these objects in common with the Serbian people.
At the same time, a secret treaty was concluded, according to which Russia undertook to tear down the fortresses of Izmail and Kiliya, passing to it and continue not to restore the fortifications there. The reason for the concessions was the proximity of the war with France. The treaty also confirmed the right of Russia to patronize the Orthodox subjects of the Ottoman Empire. In Transcaucasia, Turkey recognized the expansion of Russian possessions, but the fortress of Anapa was returned to it. For its part, Constantinople undertook to use "its good offices" to conclude peace between Russia and Persia. Thanks to this treaty concluded so timely, Russia freed the Danube army to fight the Napoleonic invasion. “There is no doubt,” he wrote on May 16 (28), 1812 to Count N.P. Rumyantsev Kutuzov, - that the peace now concluded with Porto will turn the displeasure and hatred of France on her, and therefore it is also undeniable that the more Emperor Napoleon threatens the Porte, the sooner the Sultan will decide on all our proposals, honoring then an alliance with us for necessary for their own safety."
Petersburg were dissatisfied with the terms of the agreement, considering the concessions too significant. Kutuzov again fell into disgrace. Alexander I was especially indignant that the general had violated his direct order to achieve an offensive alliance with Turkey. It must be admitted that the emperor's displeasure was not justified. The sultan was also dissatisfied, quickly finding the person responsible for the concessions. On his orders, Dmitri Muruzi, the dragoman of Porta, was accused of treason. After that, Muruzi, already the ruler of Moldavia, was summoned to Shumla, where he was arrested and given a speedy trial, after which he was beheaded. The head of the executed was sent to the capital and for three days was put to shame on the square near the Cathedral of St. Sophia. Thus, everyone had to pay for the concessions, except for the Grand Vizier who led the Turkish delegation.
It should be noted that Kutuzov managed to achieve maximum results in a limited time. The timeliness of the conclusion of peace is well illustrated by the following fact: the treaty was ratified by Alexander I in Vilna on June 11 (23), 1812, that is, the day before the start of the Napoleonic invasion, and the peace manifesto followed only after the exchange of instruments of ratification, on August 5 (17) of that same year, when the French had already deeply invaded Russia.
As for Turkey, it was especially vocal in its objection to establishing a new border with Russia in Transcaucasia and granting autonomy to the Serbs, even if the fortresses in Serbia were handed over to the Turks. Initially, the sultan ratified only the main text of the treaty, and only on July 2 did an exchange of instruments of ratification take place between the two empires. On August 16 (28), representatives of Serbia signed an address addressed to Emperor Alexander I: “Serbia and the Serbian people, remembering the countless blessings of Russia towards them, hereby promise and undertake to be of the same faith and of the same tribe, and in the future and in all ages, remain faithful and committed , and never change her in anything, as until now this has been proven both in word and deed and faith (of the heart and spirit) always and in every case.
The Peace of Bucharest confirmed the international guarantees of the autonomy of Wallachia and Moldavia, and set this precedent for Serbia. The accession of Bessarabia to Russia created the conditions for the free and progressive development of this territory, the boundaries of which have always been delineated by the Dniester and Prut rivers. Peace with Turkey and freedom of trade along the Danube, of course, had a beneficial effect on the prospects economic development the entire south of Russia, from Odessa to Azov, although the importance of Russian trade interests in the eastern Mediterranean during this period should not be overestimated.
England remained the main exporter of Russian bread, hemp, lard, etc., as well as their main carrier, and the Baltic was the main trade route. If in the prosperous pre-war years (1802-1806) the average trade turnover of the ports of the Baltic Sea was 59.2 million rubles. ser., White - 3.3 million rubles, then Black and Azov - 6.6 million rubles. The recovery of foreign trade was not connected with Bucharest Peace. On July 6 (18), 1812, a peace treaty with Great Britain was signed in Örebro (Sweden), Petersburg resumed contacts with London. On September 12 (24), 1812, after the exchange of instruments of ratification, the emperor issued a manifesto on the resumption of trade relations between the two countries, followed by a decree on September 15 (27) to lift the embargo on British ships and sequester the property of British subjects.
This had the most positive effect on Russian trade, but the consequences of the decree did not appear immediately. It came out almost at the end of the navigation, which explains the relatively modest figures of Russian exports and imports in 1812 (38, 8 and 23.2 million rubles). In addition, 1812 and 1813 could hardly be called successful years for trade. Export from Russia in 1813 amounted to 33.4 million rubles, and import - 29.5 million rubles. A turning point was outlined in 1814, when goods worth 50.4 million rubles were exported, and 35.6 million rubles were imported. And only in 1815 did the indicators of Russian exports and imports approach the pre-blockade indicators: 54.6 and 30.3 million rubles.
The Bucharest and Gulistan treaties that followed it legally formalized the penetration of Russia into the Transcaucasus, caused mainly by considerations of protecting coreligionists. This was already enough to make inevitable both the growth of almost manic and therefore dangerous suspicion among British and especially Anglo-Indian politicians, and the war with the highlanders of the North Caucasus, deprived of their usual prey for their raids, and the further deterioration of relations with Iran.
M.I. Kutuzov Collection of documents. M.1954. T.3. P.293.
M.I. Kutuzov Collection of documents. M.1954. T.3. P.336.
There. SS.405-406.
Petrov A.[N.] Op. SPb. 1887. V.3. 1810, 1811 and 1812 Gr. Kamensky 2, book. Golenishchev-Kutuzov and Chichagov. P.250.
There. P.260.
There. SS.399-400.
There. SS.262-265.
M.I. Kutuzov Collection of documents. M.1954. T.3. SS.466-468.
Petrov A.[N.] Op. SPb. 1887. V.3. 1810, 1811 and 1812 Gr. Kamensky 2, book. Golenishchev-Kutuzov and Chichagov. P.272.
Popov A.N. Patriotic War of 1812. M.1905. T.1. Russia's relations with foreign powers before the war of 1812. P.318.
There. P.96.
There. P.323.
Petrov A.[N.] Op. SPb. 1887. V.3. 1810, 1811 and 1812 Gr. Kamensky 2, book. Golenishchev-Kutuzov and Chichagov. SS.288-289.
M.I. Kutuzov Collection of documents. M.1954. T.3. SS.642-643.
Petrov A.[N.] Op. SPb. 1887. V.3. 1810, 1811 and 1812 Gr. Kamensky 2, book. Golenishchev-Kutuzov and Chichagov. P.307.
Popov A.N. UK Op. M.1905. T.1. Russia's relations with foreign powers before the war of 1812. P.324.
M.I. Kutuzov Collection of documents. M.1954. T.3. P.661.
Petrov A.[N.] Op. SPb. 1887. V.3. 1810, 1811 and 1812 Gr. Kamensky 2, book. Golenishchev-Kutuzov and Chichagov. P.310.
Bogdanovich [M.] [I.] The history of the reign of Emperor Alexander I and Russia in his time. M.1869. T.2. SS.533-534.
Foreign policy Russia XIX and the beginning of the 20th century ... M.1962. Ser.1. 1801-1815. T.6. 1811-1812 P.241.
M.I. Kutuzov Collection of documents. M.1954. T.3. SS.707-710; 719.
Popov A.N. UK Op. M.1905. T.1. Russia's relations with foreign powers before the war of 1812. SS.474.
There. P.475.
There. P.356.
Mikhailovsky-Danilevsky [A.] [I.] Description Patriotic War 1812. SPb.1839. Part 1. P.94.
Petrov A.[N.] Op. SPb. 1887. V.3. 1810, 1811 and 1812 Gr. Kamensky 2, book. Golenishchev-Kutuzov and Chichagov. P.334.
Popov A.N. UK Op. M.1905. T.1. Russia's relations with foreign powers before the war of 1812. P.351.
Petrov A.[N.] Op. SPb. 1887. V.3. 1810, 1811 and 1812 Gr. Kamensky 2, book. Golenishchev-Kutuzov and Chichagov. SS.351-352.
The foreign policy of Russia in the 19th and early 20th centuries ... M.1962. Ser.1. 1801-1815. T.6. 1811-1812 P.258.
Petrov A.[N.] Op. SPb. 1887. V.3. 1810, 1811 and 1812 Gr. Kamensky 2, book. Golenishchev-Kutuzov and Chichagov. SS.363-364.
There. P.367.
There. SS.364-366.
The foreign policy of Russia in the 19th and early 20th centuries ... M.1962. Ser.1. 1801-1815. T.6. 1811-1812 P.306.
There. P.307.
Petrov A.[N.] Op. SPb. 1887. V.3. 1810, 1811 and 1812 Gr. Kamensky 2, book. Golenishchev-Kutuzov and Chichagov. SS.371-373.
The first Serbian uprising ... M.1983. Book 2. 1808-1813. P.251.
Mikhailovsky-Danilevsky [A.] [I.] Description of the Patriotic War of 1812. SPb.1839. Part 1. P.95.
Popov A.N. UK Op. M.1905. T.1. Russia's relations with foreign powers before the war of 1812. P.382.
Yuzefovich T.[P.] Op. SS.49-58.; M.I. Kutuzov Collection of documents. M.1954. T.3. SS.906-914.
Yuzefovich T.[P.] Op. SS.54-55; First Serbian uprising 1804-1813 and Russia. M.1983. Book 2. 1808-1813. P.267.
Yuzefovich T.[P.] Op. C.VIII.
There. C.IX.
There. P.57.
M.I. Kutuzov Collection of documents. M.1954. T.3. P.905.
Petrov A.[N.] Op. SPb. 1887. V.3. 1810, 1811 and 1812 Gr. Kamensky 2, book. Golenishchev-Kutuzov and Chichagov. P.385.
Nadler V.K. Emperor Alexander I and the idea of the Holy Union. Kharkov. 1886. Vol.1. P.241.
Petrov A.[N.] Op. SPb. 1887. V.3. 1810, 1811 and 1812 Gr. Kamensky 2, book. Golenishchev-Kutuzov and Chichagov. SS.397-398.
Complete collection of laws of the Russian Empire (hereinafter PSZ.). Meeting first. SPb.1830. T.32. 1812-1815. No. 25100. P.322.
There. No. 25199. SS.405-406.
The first Serbian uprising ... M.1983. Book 2. 1808-1813. P.261.
Petrov A.[N.] Op. SPb. 1887. V.3. 1810, 1811 and 1812 Gr. Kamensky 2, book. Golenishchev-Kutuzov and Chichagov. P.406.
Zlotnikov M.F. Continental blockade and Russia. M.-L.1966. P.293.
No. 25197. P.405.
PSZ. Meeting first. SPb.1830. T.32. 1812-1815. There. No. 25233. P.421.
There. No. 25224. P.421.
Zlotnikov M.F. UK Op. P.291.
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