The historical development of Russia at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries is changing dramatically, moving towards the processes of industrialization and rationalism. The focus of interest is the works of K. Marx, based on the theory of exploitation. V. Lenin's theory is focused on the redistribution of values ​​and the abolition of exploitation. The history of the country takes on a tragic character, as it is full of ideological and class contradictions.

In this era, the reasons were created for the most terrible wars and cataclysms in the history of mankind, since most of the world's monopolists achieved such development of capital that they began to influence international politics.

At the turn of two centuries in Russia, a similar process was complicated by the fact that the formation of capital was late, the lands were developed and cultivated unevenly, the worker-peasant strata of the population had no rights, and the class difference was very significant.

In Russia, politics and society were undergoing very slow but sure changes. The country was dominated by the class system, the distribution of material wealth was extremely heterogeneous and uneven. The power of the nobility was shaken as large capitalists with significant capital began to come to power.

The majority of the country's population was the peasantry. However, under the influence of communal land ownership, which did not bring the same income, the majority of peasants chose to abandon their lands and go to work in the city. Only a few representatives of the peasantry became large landowners.

The peasantry occupied the most passive role in the political changes in Russia at the turn of the 19th – 20th centuries, since due to taxes and duties they were put in conditions of survival, had no education, and were tied to land plots that were processed without special technical devices.

The role of the petty and middle bourgeoisie was also small, since most of them were interested in demonstrating loyalty to the autocratic government, in addition, political reforms and transformations had little impact on them.

At the turn of the century, a constitutional democratic party was formed, the idea of ​​which was the creation of parliament, reform of the judicial system, land tenure reform, which was to be based on the abolition of the redemption payment, the abolition of irregular working hours for the labor element, and the introduction of labor protection standards regulated by criminal law.

At the border of the 19th and 20th centuries there was a clash of interests political parties. The monarchy in Russia during this period deserves special attention. Absolutism no longer met the political and social requirements of the country, since it was hopelessly outdated. Since significant changes were required in the country, great hopes were pinned on Nicholas II, who ascended the throne at the end of the 19th century. However, this ruler did not support the aspirations of public figures regarding limiting the power of the monarchy and the beginning of democratic rule. This fact formed a negative image of the ruler in the minds of thinking circles of society, which was reinforced by the role played by Russia in the First World War.

Negative public opinions were strengthened by such phenomena as the Khodynka tragedy, which happened on the eve of the coronation of the last tsar, Bloody Sunday, Rasputinism, and the tendency of the emperor’s wife to mysticism.

It is necessary to dwell in detail on such a phenomenon as zemstvos, as local government bodies were called. Local public figures tried to create real hospitals; their areas of attention included such problems as the fight against epidemics, the creation of pharmacies and maternity centers.

Interests big power and zemstvos did not coincide, since she could not assign all administrative functions to them, for fear of the liberal movement. It was from the zemstvo governing bodies that revolutionary activity began; on their basis, semi-legal and illegal political organizations were created.

In 1917, a revolution took place in Russia, which was marked not only by the redistribution of property, but also forever changed the social and political appearance of the country.

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MOSCOW STATE UNIVERSITY

NAMED AFTER M.V. LOMONOSOV

HISTORY DEPARTMENT

As a manuscript

Muradova Tatyana Ivanovna

SOCIO-CULTURAL ASPECTS OF CZECH IDEOLOGY

REALISM AT THE TURN OF THE XIX – XX CENTURIES

Section 07.00.00 – Historical Sciences

and Specialty 07.00.03. – General history (modern and contemporary times)

Abstract of the dissertation for the degree of Candidate of Historical Sciences Moscow - 2008 1 The dissertation was completed at the Department of History of the Southern and Western Slavs, Faculty of History, Moscow State University. M.V. Lomonosov

Scientific director: Candidate of Historical Sciences, Associate Professor Zoya Sergeevna Nenasheva (M.V. Lomonosov Moscow State University)

Official opponents: Doctor of Historical Sciences Elena Pavlovna Serapionova (Institute of Slavic Studies RAS) Candidate of Historical Sciences, Associate Professor Olga Vyacheslavovna Pavlenko (Russian State University for the Humanities)

Leading organization: INION RAS

The defense will take place on December 23, 2008 at _ o'clock at a meeting of the Dissertation Council D.501.002.12 on General History at Moscow State University. M.V. Lomonosov at the address: 119991, Moscow, Lomonosovsky Prospekt, 27, bldg. 4, room. A416.

The dissertation can be found at Scientific library them. A.M. Gorky, Moscow State University (1st building of the humanities faculties of Moscow State University) Abstract sent out November 2008

Scientific Secretary of the Dissertation Council Candidate of Historical Sciences, Associate Professor T.V. Nikitina

GENERAL DESCRIPTION OF WORK

Relevance research topics. The end of the 19th – beginning of the 20th centuries is a period of European history that invariably attracts the attention of researchers, causing heated discussions. This time marked the beginning of the collapse of the three pillars of the Central European region - Germany, Russia and Austria-Hungary. A brilliant era in the history of the Habsburg monarchy, which gave the world the “Viennese Secession”, “Viennese style”, “extravaganza of talents” of G. Klimt, A. Mucha, G. Hoffmannsthal, Z. Freud, F. Kafka and other intellectuals, turned out to be only bright a flash of light at the end of the empire 1.

existence Over the past twenty years of its life, there have been constant and constant discussions about ways to reorganize this state. At this point, the brief and inglorious era of Austrian liberalism ended. New social forces appeared in the political arena, which by the beginning of the 20th century formed into independent political parties.

The noticeable political activity in the Czech lands was largely due to the obvious dissonance between the leading economic positions occupied by this province of the empire and its political status. However, the attempt to transform the empire from a dualistic monarchy into a trialistic one was unsuccessful. By the 1880s, this situation was causing increasing dissatisfaction on the part of the Czech economic, intellectual and political elite. The revitalization of Czech political life after abandoning the tactics of passive opposition 2 confronted Czech intellectuals with the need to develop a new development plan.

The faded ideas of the era of the National Revival about all Czechs as a single people required updating; a certain general vector of movement forward was needed, the formulation of national goals and the determination of ways to achieve them.

One of these forces, undoubtedly, was the Czech liberal intelligentsia, whose leader was Tomas Garrigue Masaryk (1850-1937), a professor at the Czech University of Prague, an active publicist, and parliamentarian. Despite its rather late unification (1900), the Czech People's Party (realists) headed by him was distinguished by a fairly fully developed ideology and program, Fisanov V.P. The phenomenon of Austrian culture in the 20th century: “The effect of reflected light” // Austria-Hungary:

integration processes and national specifics. M., 1997. P. 113.

1863-1879 Czech representatives boycotted the work of the Imperial and Zemstvo Sejms.

especially in the praxeological, postulative part. This became possible because discussions about what tasks should be considered national and how to solve them have been going on for decades. They began almost from the time Masaryk moved from Vienna to Prague in 1882 and he founded the first printed organ, the Athenaeum magazine.

(Athenaeum"), which became the center of attraction for his like-minded people.

the emergence of the realist party, and determines the content of this dissertation. It undoubtedly has important cognitive significance, is relevant scientifically, and in some ways, politically. After all, Czech liberals from Masaryk’s circle had to act under the conditions of the “soft, plastic” authoritarian regime of Emperor Franz Joseph I, which was slowly, inconsistently, but still moving in a direction that predetermined the low demand by society for radical recipes for solving social and political problems, the inclination of most politicians to reformist methods activities, their recognition of the positive significance of the Habsburg dynasty in conditions of mixed residence of nationally self-identified ethnic groups. In this context, recipes for transformations in the empire became extremely popular, focusing on changes in the sociocultural sphere, on modernization that contributed to the disclosure of the creative, constructive capabilities of man.

the formation of modern liberal political parties in the Czech lands at the end of the 19th century. using the example of the Realist Party. Subject of research became an analysis of the process of development in 1883 - 1900 of the sociocultural concept of T.G. Masaryk and his associates, provisions affecting this area in the realist party programs adopted at the beginning of the twentieth century. As for their practical political activity in the period before 1907, and to an even lesser extent after it, it is considered only in the context of the sources involved. The choice of topic was determined, in addition to the state of the source base and historiography, partly by the words of Masaryk himself that any political activity must be preceded by the development of its theoretical basis.

The chronological scope of the study is determined in accordance with its subject. The starting point was the move of Masaryk and his family to Prague in 1882.

It was at this time that we began to comprehend the complex phenomena of the social life of the Czechs as an incomplete people in the Habsburg monarchy and to analyze a wide range of problems facing the Czech nation.

The upper chronological limit of the work, in our opinion, can quite rightly be 1900, when the first realist program was adopted. At this point, Masaryk and a small group of his associates are convinced of the need and are ready to write their own specific political party program. The coherent concept of transformations in the sociocultural sphere in the interests of national renewal and development has acquired a completely finished form. It was she who became the ideological and philosophical basis of the party programs of both 1900 and subsequent ones - 1906 (after unification with a group of young progressives led by Alois Gain) and 1912.

At the same time, in order to clarify the question of how stable the main provisions developed by the ideologists of realism during the period under study turned out to be, an analysis of the program provisions of the realists after the reorganization of the party in 1912 was carried out.

Goals and objectives. Goal of the work is to trace the development process of T.G. Masaryk and his like-minded people on socio-cultural issues, the implementation of which was necessary, in their opinion, for the success of the modernization of Czech society and for it to gain more favorable opportunities for its comprehensive development under the conditions of the Habsburg monarchy. We understand the history of the formation of a sociocultural concept not as a one-time action at a party forum, but as a long process of proposal, discussion and propaganda of its main provisions with subsequent consolidation in party programs. Based on this, we formulated the following research tasks:

Determine the content and main components of the sociocultural concept of realists;

Identify the stages of its folding, characterizing their main features and meaning;

To trace the appeal of realists to the national question: to present a vision of its linguistic component, views on literature;

Based on an analysis of available sources, reveal the problem of the relationship between church, state and school;

Show the role and influence of realists on the formation of the feminist movement in the Czech lands;

Consider the realists' approach to the issue of modernization of the entire sphere of Czech education.

Thus, the general objective of the dissertation research is to analyze the process of evolution of the above-mentioned components (the linguistic component of the national question, the religious question, the women's question, education) of the sociocultural concept of the realists, from the posing of questions on the pages of the press to the inclusion of relevant elements in party programs.

Methodological basis of the dissertation research.

The work was written taking into account modern methods of historical research. In order to solve the stated problems, an objective approach to characterizing the formation of national ideology and the principle of historicism were used. The analysis of documents and publications, existing descriptions of events was carried out using the principle of consistency and the comparative method, allowing to establish the reliability of the facts.

In the process of work, the problem-chronological method was widely used, which made it possible to trace the process of the formation of a coherent ideological concept of the cultural renewal of the Czech nation, which took place both on the pages of the realist party press and was proposed in public speeches and works of their leader T.G. Masaryk.

Review of sources used. A significant range of representative sources were involved to implement the research program. In general, they can be divided into the following groups:

Materials from periodicals and journalism;

Masaryk's works, as well as his speeches in the Reichsrat;

Party documents;

Archival materials.

The sources of each of these groups characterize certain stages in the formation of the sociocultural concept of the realists.

Periodicals. The first brainchild of Masaryk and a narrow circle of his like-minded people in the field of periodicals was the magazine Athenaeum 3. The subtitle of the publication was called “Gazette of Literature and Scientific Criticism.” His various materials help to trace not only the formation of realism as a scientific direction, the formation of a group of Masaryk’s first like-minded people, but also to identify the origins of that subsequent two decades.

The second periodical with which Masaryk’s name is associated, and which also became one of the main sources in this work, is “The Hour” (as). It was founded in 1886 by Jan Gerben (1857-1936), a journalist and later publisher, one of Masaryk's most loyal companions throughout his life.

A critical attitude towards modern Czech reality was already characteristic of the first issues of the Hour. Over time, the magazine became an open socio-political platform for the realist group, and later for the party. Since 1889, when it became a weekly publication, a special section appeared in it called “Art, Science, School” 4. Its materials, as well as the editorials of the “Hour”, where many pressing issues of social life in the Czech Republic of that time were raised, and socio-cultural realist concepts. It should be noted that a characteristic feature of most articles was their anonymity.

The largest number of publications on the topics that interest us occurred in the years 1888–1890. They paid special attention, first of all, to teaching Czech language, problems of students. Publications, dedicated to the church issue, were considered in the context of educational problems; in form they often took the form of reports and reviews of past events and published books.

The generally accepted version in the literature is that the prototype was the English publication of the same name. A number of works on the Athenaeum are given in: Jirouek B. Jaroslav Goll, Rukopisy a osmdest lta // as pdu rukopis. Study a materially. esk Budjovice, 2004. S. 55. For more information about the Polish Athenaeum, see: Romek Z. Historical issues on the pages of the Athenaeum (1876-1901) // Slavic peoples: a community of history and culture. To the 70th anniversary of Corresponding Member of the Russian Academy of Sciences Vladimir Konstantinovich Volkov. M., 2000. P. 256-285.

From 1896 the name was changed to "Writing, Art, Science and School".

In general, a careful reading and analysis of the materials in this publication provides insight into the topic discussed in the dissertation.

Finally, the third key periodical was the socio-political review Nae doba, which Masaryk began publishing shortly after relinquishing his parliamentary mandate in September 1893. Since the revue was created at the time of Masaryk’s departure from big politics to the field of “non-political politics” - enlightenment and education, “Our Doba” was called upon to become the mouthpiece of the politicized “Hour”. It was here that many of Masaryk’s articles first saw the light, which were later included in his fundamental works. 5. The use of materials from “Our Booty” makes it possible to trace the formation of the sociocultural concept of the leader of the realists in its dynamics.

A valuable source is the collection of articles “Selected Works” by one of the leaders of the youth progressive movement, journalist and politician Antonin Gain (1868 – 1949) 6. This publication was prepared by the author himself, which makes it possible to draw conclusions about the real importance of certain publications and a quarter of a century after their first appearance in print.

To analyze issues related to the emergence of the Czech Art Nouveau group and to clarify the problem of mutual influence of the mindsets of its supporters and realists, a number of other press organs were used. Thus, along with individual issues of the magazine, the book “Modern Time” was reprinted 7. Among the translated sources, articles published in the anthology “Czech and Slovak Aesthetics of the 19th – 20th Centuries” turned out to be very useful. 8.

A list of Masaryk’s publications in the pre-war “Nasha Dob” is given in: Laichter F. Bibliografie Masarykovch prac v pedvlen Na Dob. Prague, 1936.

Hajn An. Vbor prac 1889-1909. Praha, 1912. Dl I. Pokrokov hnut let devadestch. Sociln otzka studentsk. studentstvo; Praha, 1913. Dl II, kolstv. History.; Prague, 1913. Dl III, Nrodohospodstv a sociln otzka.

Tisk a urnalistika. Rzn. And also: kola, nrod, ivot. Prague, 1913. Selected articles by his brother Aloys, whose group together with Masaryk formed the new Czech Progressive Party in 1905: Hajn Al. ivot novinv 1894-1930: Vbr lnk, feuilleton, e a projev. Prague, 1930. Articles were also selected by the author himself.

as Modern. Study a materially. esk Budjovice, 2006.

Czech and Slovak aesthetics of the 19th – 20th centuries. M., 1985.

received expression in the works of their leader - T.G. Masaryk - “The Czech Question” and “Our Today's Crisis”, published in 1895 9. “The Czech Question” is an attempt at a philosophical understanding of Czech history. Here the main views of the leader of the realists regarding the historical development of the Czech people are formulated.

Masaryk defined the principles of realism, linking them with humanistic ideals. In Jan Hus, published a year later, the main ideas expressed in the Czech Question received a broader and more detailed interpretation.

His other work, “Our Today's Crisis,” is devoted to an analysis of Czech politics. For the topic of this study, the chapter devoted to the problems of students is of greatest interest. It contained ideas that were widely propagated on the pages of The Hour.

Two other works by Masaryk were also used: “Ideals of Humanism” and “The Problem of a Small People”, published already in 1901. Initially they were lectures given outside the university classroom, and later appeared as separate publications. In his work “Ideals of Humanism,” Masaryk gives a brief outline of the development of the ideas of humanism, their gradual transformation, and touches on the problems of modern religion and the church. In “The Problem of a Small People,” the author formulated his definition of a politically unfree nation and briefly described the main criteria that formed its basis (territory, language, literature, morality).

In general, it should be noted that Masaryk’s works were of a pronounced journalistic nature, which was determined by the author’s intention - to convey his views to listeners and readers as much as possible, using all means and opportunities. This explains the frequent repetitions in the works and their agitational intensity.

The latest edition of the work was prepared by the Masaryk Institute: T.G.Masaryk. esk otzka. Nae nynj krize. Jan Hus. Praha, 2000. All the works of the leader of the realists are discussed in detail in the corresponding chapters of the dissertation essay. It is necessary to indicate great importance for the domestic bohemianism of labor “T.G. Masaryk: Philosophy – Sociology – Politics.” Rep. ed. N.P. Narbut, E.F. Firsov. M., 2003. Despite the fact that it includes excerpts from Masaryk's main works, its appearance in Russian fills an obvious gap. Until now, only “The Social Question” was available to the Russian-speaking reader. Sociological foundations of Marxism", published in 1898, and "Russia and Europe", published in 2003. Of particular note is the highly qualified translation of the most complex texts of the leader of the realists.

spoken by him during his first deputyship in the Austrian Reichsrat in 1891 - 1893. The Masaryk Institute in Prague published this corpus of sources in two volumes (the second volume included parliamentary speeches from 1907 to 1914) 10. During the work on the dissertation, the most important were the speeches devoted to problems of education. They were openly propagandistic in nature, but at the same time they were distinguished by their detailed elaboration and knowledge of the subject of discussion.

Party programs. The program of the Czech People's Party (Realists) of 1900 was used as the main program document. Its authors were Masaryk, J. Gruber, F. Drtina, C. Horacek. In 1906, a new realist program was adopted, and in 1912 its new edition 11 was published. These documents were the long-lasting sociocultural concept proposed at the turn of the century. In addition to the general educational problems of the realists and a movement close to them, led by Alois Gain, whose supporters undoubtedly influenced the content of general cultural policy, it was the most detailed and occupied the largest place in terms of volume. Involvement in the study of this type of sources provided an opportunity to trace the process of formation of the concept of culture among realists as a whole, from the very initial stage, journal publications, to its final design in political programs.

Searches in Czech archives turned out to be less significant for writing the dissertation text. It should be clarified that the period of work on the dissertation marks the peak of the publishing activity of the T. G. Masaryk Institute of the Czech Academy of Sciences.

The materials studied directly in the archive were included, as already indicated, in recent publications prepared by a team of highly qualified specialists.

In addition, during the work on the dissertation, the collection of Antonin Gain (1868-1949), a famous journalist, publisher and politician, located in the archives of Masaryk T.G., was viewed. Parlamentn projevy 1891-1893. Prague, 2001. Masaryk T.G. Parliamentary Projevy 1907-1914. Prague, 2002.

The first version of the program was adopted at the founding congress of the Czech Progressive Party (Realist) in 1906.

National Museum in Prague. From the huge array of materials contained in the files (cardboards), documents related to the history of the youth formation of realist views on women's issues were selected. Also, to highlight the problems of the women's movement, materials of the Czech National Council (official appeals and periodicals) from the National Archives in Prague 13 were used.

Historiographical review. The complex nature of our chosen topic required the use of extensive and varied literature. These include generalizing works on the history of Austria-Hungary, and works of literary and art critics, and studies devoted to issues of school and education, the role of the church in the public life of Austria-Hungary at the turn of the 19th–20th centuries, the relationship between the church and the state, women’s and progressive student movements.

Of course, the century-old classical “Masarykiana” was studied most carefully. The literature involved is divided into several groups in accordance with the problem-chronological principle. The first group includes works published in Czech before 1989 and since the early 1990s. The second includes Russian-language pre-revolutionary, Soviet and modern historiography. The third is English-language historiography.

The first experiments in reflecting realism were undertaken by direct witnesses and participants in the events of the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Such were J. Gerben, the author of perhaps the first of the currently known memoirs of Antonn Hajn's students. Archiv Nrodnho muzea v Praze. 277 karton, 1868-1949, invent z r. 1989.

Nrodn archiv – NA, fond Nrodn rady esk (NR), karton 24. On the election of the first female deputy B. Vikova Kuneticka (1862 – 1934) in 1912 to the Czech Zemstvo Sejm.

Masaryk 14, as well as the progressive Alois Gain, a student of Masaryk 15. The anniversary collections for the 60th anniversary of Masaryk 16 should also be included in this category of works.

One of the first generalizing works was the collective work “Czech Politics” 17, the authors of which were close to realists in their views. The fifth volume of the publication, dedicated to culture, education and public policy in this area, was especially important for us.

After the formation of the Czechoslovak Republic, the apologetic character became decisive in publications dedicated to Masaryk and the history of the development of realism 18.

The literature of this time was characterized by an emphasis on Masaryk’s understanding of religion and morality as the main factors of Czech history. Special mention should be made of the works of I. Kantorek, J. B. Kozak 19. However, J.L. Hromadka correctly noted the lack of consistency and contradiction in Masaryk’s concept, the susceptibility to the conjuncture of the day, the vision of religion only as a sociological phenomenon, as well as the desire for a synthesis of cultural and religious ideals 20.

E. Radl’s work is devoted to the views of Masaryk 21. The author evaluates the content of his works as “radical projects for the transformation of human society,” and interprets the philosophical views of the leader of the realists as an eternal dilemma: “Pascal or Hume? Fiery feeling or enlightened mind?

Herben J. Deset let proti proudu (1886-1896). Praha, 1898. The 1997 edition was used in this work:

Herben J. Proti proudu. Praha, 1997. The author identified three different directions within realism. On the occasion of the 20th anniversary of the publication of the Hour, a brochure was published dedicated to the activities of the newspaper editor himself: 20 let boje za osvobozen eskho ivota a esk politiky. Praha, 1907.

In 1906, a group of young progressives, breaking away from the Radical Progressive Party, joined the ranks of the realists. Alois Gain himself became one of the main authors of the program of the newly formed Progressive Party in 1906. Hajn A. Politick strany u ns. Knihovna Osvty lidu. Pardubice, 1903.

T. G. Masarykovi k 60. narozeninm. Prague, 1930. 2. vydan. Masarikv sbornk. asopis pro studium ivota a dla T. G.

Masaryka, sv. IV; Sbornk vydan k 50. narozeninm d-ra Fr. Drtiny. Spisy. 133. Praha, 1911; F. Krejci attempted to analyze Masaryk’s philosophy in the anniversary issue of the philosophical journal “Ceska Mysl” (esk mysl):

esk mysl. R. XI. 1910..2-3; One of the few examples of an objective assessment of the activities of T.G. Masaryk of the imperial period: Hejdler J. esk politick strany v echch, na Morav a ve Slzku. Praha, 1914.

esk politika. Praha, 1913. Dl pt.

These, for example, were collections dedicated to Masaryk, Drtina and Gerben: Masaryk osvoboditel. Sbornk.

Ministerstvo koln a nrodn osvty. Brno, 1920; Sbornk vydan k 60. narozeninm universitnho profesora d-ra Fr.

Dtriny. Praha, 1921; Krofta K. Masaryk a jeho dlo vdeck. Praha, 1935; Bene E. Masarykovo pojet ideje nrodn a problm jednoty eskoslovensk. Bratislava, 1935; Univerzita Karlova Masarykovi. Praha, 1935; Chb V. Jan Herben.

Kantorek J.T.G. Masaryk a jeho nboensk osobnost. Praha, 1924; Kozk. J. B. Masaryk filosof. Praha, 1925.

Hromdka J. L. Masaryk. Prague, 1930.

Radl E. Tomas G. Masaryk, his life, public and scientific activity. Prague, 1923.

A separate group consists of works devoted to the literary process.

Criticism of the 1890s became the subject of research by P. Fraenkl 22, which was distinguished by a rather sober approach to the figure of Masaryk and his literary-critical simplification and moralizing nature of assessments of literary works.

B. Vaclavek dealt with the problems of the literary “generation of the 90s” as a whole, 23 and A. Nowak 24 created a work that has not lost its significance on the early stage of Masaryk’s activity in the field of literary criticism.

The famous Czech historian Z. Nejedly occupies a special place in the development of Czechoslovak Masarykiana. Turning to the debate about the “meaning of Czech history” 25, he noted as a positive moment the impulse given by Masaryk to a broad discussion of historical problems in Czech society. Nejedla’s 4-volume monograph dedicated to Masaryk 26 is unusually factual.

national mentality, criticized Masaryk's belief in historical progress and democracy as the ultimate goal, as well as his interpretation of the German Question 27.

In general, in the interwar period, works predominated, mainly devoted to the personality of the founder of the Czechoslovak state, much less often the genesis of the realistic movement and the activities of the Progressive Party as a whole became the object of attention. Nevertheless, the beginning of research in the field of specific problems of realism was made.

In the periodization of post-war Czechoslovak Marxist Masarykiana, three stages can be distinguished: until the early 1960s; 1960s and the third, from the early 1970s 28.

F. Cervinka made a great contribution to the study of the problems of the student movement. 29 Many Marxist scientists used their own achievements and the experience of their predecessors. For example, the monograph by F. Burianek Fraenkl P. K bojm o mladou literaturu v letech devadestch // Rozpravy Aventina. R. 6. 1930-1931.

Vclavek B. esk literatura XX. stolet. Praha, 1935.

Novk J. V. – Novk A. Pehledn djiny literatury esk. Olomouc, 1936-1939.

Nejedl Z. Spor o smyslu eskch djin. Prague, 1913, 1952.

Nejedl Z. T. G. Masaryk. D. I-IV Prague, 1930-37.

The work was first published in 1936. A later, expanded edition was published after the author's death.

Patoka J. Ti studie o Masarykovi. Praha, 1991. See also Kautman F. Masaryk. alda. Patoka. Prague, 1990.

Historiography of the history of the southern and western Slavs. M., 1987. P. 152.

ervinka F. esk nacionalismus v 19. stolet. Prague, 1965.

Burinek F. esk literatura 20. stolet. Prague, 1968.

complements Waclawek's work in many ways. Another example of the historiographical continuity of generations is the study of L. Lantova 31, in which, following Fraenkl, an attempt was made to identify the features of criticism of the 90s. XIX century.

Among the highly specialized works, it is necessary to mention the monograph by Jan Lukes 32, which presents an analysis of the works of writers of the new wave, as well as characteristics of the era.

In our opinion, the weak side of Czechoslovak historiography before the 1960s was not even the attempt to squeeze known and rich factual material into a given ideological framework, but the lack of interest in general cultural problems of the development of Czech society at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries. In the era of prevalence of socio-economic research, the history of the feminist movement or religious issues were by no means priority topics.

The situation began to change in the early 1960s. One example of a comprehensive approach to the personality of Masaryk was the book by L. Nowa, which examined in detail the attempts of his recent predecessors to use a specific historical approach to assessing a historical figure. Very valuable for us is the book by M. Machovets, which contains a valuable analysis of the atmosphere that reigned at the Czech University of Prague in the early 1880s. O. Urban's works are distinguished by both their fundamental nature and their desire to apply an integrated approach in the interpretation of historical processes. 35 In his opinion, Masaryk had a significant influence on the spiritual life of Czech society, and his philosophy is characterized as “the pinnacle of Czech bourgeois thinking of the 19th century.”

The result of many years of in-depth study of Masaryk’s personality and multidisciplinary activities was a fundamental monograph by Jaroslav Opat 36. He was one of the first to turn to the analysis of Masaryk’s early philosophical works, Lantov L. Hledn hodnot showed. Praha, 1969.

Luke J. Vznam Rozhled pro formovn moderny. Praha, 1977.

Nov L. Ideologie T. G. Masaryka. Praha, 1962.

Machovec M. T. G. Masaryk. Prague, 1968.

Urban O. Kapitalismus a esk spolenost v 19. stolet. Praha, 1978; Idem. esk splenost 1848-1918. Praha, 1982.

Opat J. Filozof a politik T. G. Masaryk, 1882-1893. Praha, 1990. The book was first published by samizdat in 1985, two years later, in 1987, in Kolin nad Ryn and in 1990 in Prague.

the origins of judgments that later formed the basis of many of his theoretical concepts.

Changes in political life that began in the 1990s influenced the choice of topics and scope of research by Czech historians. In January 1990, the Masaryk Institute was re-established and resumed publication of Masaryk Collections. It was headed by J. Opat, who published in 2003 “Guide to the life and work of T.G. Masaryk. The Czech question yesterday and today." 37 The work is a complete and fairly detailed biography of Masaryk, included in the general context of the Czech political history.

In general, a characteristic feature of historiography in the early 1990s. there was a somewhat disproportionate exaltation of the role and importance of T.G. Masaryk, as well as lively debates about the fate of the Czech Republic. One of the reasons for discussion was the centenary of the publication of one of Masaryk’s key works, “The Czech Question. Nadezhda Masaryk Institute collection “One Hundred Years of the Masaryk Czech Question” 38.

One example of the work of the new wave of apologetic literature about the first Czechoslovak president is the book by Z. Chollet 39. The high emotional tone of the work clearly did not contribute to an objective analysis and comprehensive justification of Masaryk’s role in society at the turn of the 19th – 20th centuries.

The works of V. Doubek are characterized by a very balanced and objective approach to assessing the personality and activities of Masaryk, as well as realism as a movement in the general political context of the Czech lands at the end of the 19th century. 40 A special place in modern Masaryk studies is occupied by the work of S. Polak, 41 which is the most detailed biography of the pre-war period of Masaryk’s life that has been written so far.

It is based on extensive archival material, executed at the highest professional level, and equipped with excellent reference equipment, although in the general tone of the work there is some similarity with the works of apologists of the late 1930s.

Opat J. Prvodce ivotem a dlem T. G. Masaryka. esk otzka vera a dnes. Praha, 2003.

Sto let Masarykovy esk otzky. Prague, 1997.

olle Z. Stolet esk politiky. Praha, 1998.

Doubek V. T.G.Masaryk a esk Slovansk politika 1882 – 1910. Praha, 1999. Idem. esk politika a Rusko (1848Praha, 2004; Doubek V. esk politika a realismus na sklonku 19. stolet.//Na pozvn Masarykova stava. Praha, 2005.

S.Polk. T.G.Masaryk. Za idealem a pravdou. D. 1 – 4 Prague, 2000 – 2005.

Another sign of the times in the 1990s was the emergence of gender studies.

For quite a long time, the leadership in this area belonged to the work of the Czech-Canadian researcher M. Neudorflova 42. It was she who revealed this topic from the perspective that interests us 43. Since the late 1990s. Along with articles and collective collections 44, monographic studies appear, including those devoted to narrower aspects of the issue of women’s emancipation 45. Very interesting information can be found in works devoted to the women's movement in Austria-Hungary in general, as well as various aspects of Czech political history 46.

Among works of a general nature, I would like to highlight Jaroslav Marek’s book on literature 48, an anthology edited by J. Smolik and J. Stepan 49, as well as a reference publication dedicated to Czech political parties 50.

Domestic historiography. In pre-revolutionary Russia, not much was written about Masaryk. One example of an appeal to his figure was an article by the historian A. L. Pogodin in a collection dedicated to the 60th anniversary of Masaryk 51. A number of articles devoted to the analysis of the education system in the Czech lands appeared in the journals Neudorflov M. L. esk eny v 19. stolet. sil a sny, spchy a zklamn na cest k emancipaci. Praha, 1999.

Neudorfl M. Masaryk and Women’s Question // T. G. Masaryk (1850-1937): Thinker and Politician. Ed. by S. B. Winters. New York, 1990.

Heczkov L. Prvn lta ensk listy. eho chtla kritika Elika Krsnohorsk; Voahlkov P. Kvalifikace, profesionalizace a tzv. ensk povoln v eskch zemch; Machaov J. ena v 19. stolet jako pvsek // adkov K., Lenderov M., Strnkov J. (edd.). Djiny en aneb Evropsk ena od stedovku do poloviny 20. stolet v zajet historiografie. Pardubice, 2006; Charlotte G. Masarykov. Sbornk pspvk z konference ke 150. vro jejho narozen, konan v listopadu 2000. Uspodala a redakn pipravila Marie L.Neudorflov. Praha, 2001; Charlotte G. Masarykov.

Sbornk pspvk z konference ke 150. vro jejho narozen, konan v listopadu 2000. Uspodala a redakn pipravila Marie L.Neudorflov. Prague, 2001.

Sak R. Salon dvou stolet. Anna Lauermannov-Mikschov a jej hoste. Praha-Litomyl, 2003; Malnsk J. Do politiky pr ena nesm – pro? Vzdln a postaven en v esk spolenosti v 19. a na potku 20. stolet. Prague, 2005.

Austrian Women in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries. Cross-disciplinary Perspectives. Ed. by D. F. Good, M. Grandner, M. J. Maynes. Providence, Oxford, 1996; Kelly T.M. Feminism, Pragmatism or Both? Czech Radical Nationalism and the Women Question, 1898-1914 // Nationalities Papers. 2002. Vol. 30. No. 4; Idem. Without Remorse.

Czech National Socialism in Late-Habsburg Austria. New York, 2006.

Marek J. esk modern culture. Praha, 1998.

Bohumil S. esk literatura ve zkratce. D.III. Prague, 2000.

Smolk J., tpn J. T. G. Masaryk ve tech stoletch. Rozhovor generac o Masarykovch nboenskch nzorech. Brno, 2001.

Mal J., Marek P. a kolektiv. Politics country. Vvoj politickch stran a hnut v eskch zemch a eskoslovensku – 2004. Brno, 2005.

Pogodin A. L. Masaryk a Slovansk politika // T. G. Masarykovi k narozeninm, S. 13-14.

enlightenment." The authors of most works were interested in the problem of education in Austria-Hungary. Since the publicists adhered to pro-government centralist positions, the issue of nationalization of school education was not on an imperial scale.

In the domestic historiography of the Soviet period, an unambiguously negative assessment of Masaryk’s activities was adopted, primarily due to his criticism of Marxism. One of the first attempts at a more objective approach to Masaryk’s activities was made in the book by J. B. Smeral, who noted Masaryk’s democratic views and his commitment to the idea of ​​progress 53.

a one-sided approach to the personality and activities of Masaryk, became Z.S. Nenashev, in whose works the realist party was presented as a “left-liberal” party that fought for the “development of bourgeois-democratic institutions” 54. The monograph by M.N. has not yet lost its scientific value. Kuzmina, consecrating the history of the development of school and education in the Czech lands 55.

A separate group of works consists of the works of literary scholars. In 1963, a generalizing work 56 was published, the influence of the concepts of which can be traced to the more important conditions of national development and resolution of social contradictions, promoted by Masaryk, was assessed as reactionary. The fundamental work of R.R. was very valuable for us. Kuznetsova “History of Czech Literature” 57.

Balabanova E. The struggle of the Catholic clergy and secular authorities for the Austrian school // Education-1892.

No. 4; Teplov P. Clerical-anti-Semitic movement and public school in Austria // Education. 1898. No. 5-6, 7-8; Kovalevsky E.M. What did the 50-year reign of Emperor Franz Joseph give to Austria in terms of public education // Journal of the Ministry of Public Education. Part 322. April 1899; Karavaev N. 40 years of the Austrian general public school // Modern world. 1910. No. 5; Lyubchenko D. E. Public education and Sokol societies among the Czechs. M., 1910.

Shmeral J. B. Formation of the Czechoslovak Republic in 1918. M., 1967.

Nenasheva Z. S. Ideological and political struggle in the Czech Republic and Slovakia at the beginning of the 20th century, M., 1984. P. 29; It's her.

The problem of statehood in Czech social thought on the eve of the First World War // To the 70th anniversary of the formation of independent states in Central and South-Eastern Europe. Vol. I, II. M., 1989.

Kuzmin M.N. School and education in Czechoslovakia (late XVIII – 30s of the XX century). M., 1971. See also:

Kuzmin M.N. On the problem of sociocultural prerequisites for the formation of a new person // Culture in the social system of socialism. M., 1984.

Essays on the history of Czech literature of the 19th - 20th centuries. M., 1963.

Kuznetsova R.R. History of Czech literature. M., 1987.

It should be noted that over time, researchers have rethought their ideas about the topic. An example of this can be considered the works of L.N. Budagova, who has been studying the peculiarities of Czech literature and, in particular, the problems of Czech modernity for many years 58. She analyzes Czech literature in the most detail in a collective monograph, which was highly appreciated by the scientific community 59.

In the new Russian historiography, the thematic continuation of the works of Z.S. Nenasheva’s book “Socio-political thought in the Czech lands at the end of the 19th - beginning of the 20th centuries.” The author notes that, despite the intellectual elitism of the Czech People's Party, Masaryk's philosophical and political concept had a profound impact on many contemporaries. The work of E.F. is devoted to Masaryk’s connections with Russian intellectuals. Firsova 60.

collective monograph devoted to cultural issues in Austria-Hungary 61, two-volume “Czech Republic and Slovakia in the 20th century” 62.

Western historiography. For a long time, most of the works coming from the pen of English-speaking researchers were associated with the name of the large Czech emigration to Great Britain and the USA.

One of the first works devoted to the social and political aspects of dualism of the late 19th century, analyzed from the point of view of Czech interests, was published by B. Garver. 63 The book by R. Szporluk 64, written on the basis of the published works of Masaryk, is very noteworthy. It is significant to conclude that the main dominant features in Masaryk’s early writings were his vision of his contemporary reality as a civilization in deep crisis, as well as the search for a way out of this crisis with the help of a new, universal worldview, by involving a certain scientific (but not ecclesiastical) ) religion.

Budagova L.N. The rebellion of the “generation of the 90s” and the poetry of J. Machar, O. Brzezina, A. Sova // Literature of the Balkan and Slavic peoples from the 19th century to the present. XX centuries. M., 1976.

Budagova L.N. Czech literature // History of the literature of the Western and Southern Slavs: Literature of the late XIX - first half of the XX century (1890s - 1945). T.3. M., 2001. P. 77-129.

Firsov E.F. T.G. Masaryk and the Russian intellectual environment (according to the archives of the Czech Republic and Russia). Part I. Tomas Masaryk and Ernest Radlov in scientific and friendly correspondence. M., 2005.

Artistic culture of Austria-Hungary 1867-1918. St. Petersburg, 2005.

Czech Republic and Slovakia in the 20th century. T.1-2. M., 2005.

Garver B. M. The Young Czech Party 1874-1901 and the Emergence of a Multi-Party System. New Haven, 1978.

Szporluk R. The Political Thought of Tomas G. Masaryk. New York, 1981.

One of the first works of the new wave since the mid-1980s. became Gajek's book 65.

The author expressed doubts about the possibility of assessing Masaryk’s sociological and philosophical worldview due to numerous inaccuracies and inconsistencies characteristic of the latter’s legacy. D. Bradley, analyzing Czech nationalism, turned, in particular, to stories about the Cyril and Methodius movement and neo-Hussianism. It is not always possible to agree with the author in his somewhat exaggerated assessments of the scale and significance of the mentioned trends 66.

One of the first works of E. Schmidt-Hartmann is devoted to the genesis of early realism of the realistic direction in the context of the Austro-German intellectual tradition.

The researcher was one of the first among foreign authors to turn to the figure of the leader of the progressive youth movement A. Gain 68. Her work is of obvious interest in the context of studying the early stage of development political concept realism. Another researcher belonging to the Munich school of Slavists is R. Hoffman, the author of a very thorough study of Masaryk’s views on religion and anti-Semitism, education and science, nationalism and Czech state law, the Czech-German question, democracy and revolution, the Austro-Hungarian state system 69.

Among the works that laid the foundation for interdisciplinary cultural studies is the book by K. Schorske 70. The book by G. Cohen is an important work for us. This is a very complete study of the history of the German-speaking community in Prague of the 19th century 71. The second fundamental monograph by this author is devoted to education in Austria-Hungary 72. Comparing this work with the mentioned book by M. N. Kuzmin, it is necessary to point out a wider range of sources and a successful one, our a look, an attempt to show the development of the educational sector in Hajek H. J. T.G. Masaryk Revisited: A Critical Assessment. New York, 1983.

Bradley J. F. N. Czech Nationalism in the Nineteenth Century. New York, 1984.

Schmidt-Hartmann E. Thomas G. Masaryk’s Realism: Origins of a Czech Political Concept. Munich, 1984.

Coverage of the history of both the progressivist movement in the Czech lands as a whole and the personality of its individual leaders still leaves much to be desired.

Hoffmann R.J. T.G. Masaryk und die tschechische Frage. Volumen I, Nationale Ideologie und politische Ttigkeit bis zum Scheitern des deutsch-tschechischen Ausgleichsversuchs vom Februar 1909. Munich. 1988.

Schorske C.E. Fin-de-sicle Vienna. Politics and Culture. New York, 1981.

Cohen G. B. The Politics of Ethnic Survival: Germans in Prague, 1861-1914. Princeton, 1981.

Idem. Education and Middle-Class Society in Imperial Austria, 1848-1918. West Lafayette, 1996. The book was published in a second edition in 2006.

Austria in a pan-European context, but taking into account local and regional details, including Czech ones.

philology of the cultural development of the Czechs, is Professor of the University of London R. Pinsent, author of a collection about intellectuals in the Habsburg Monarchy 73.

Pinsent himself wrote an essay about the founders of the Modern Review magazine.

opposed to the political center (Masaryk and the Czech politicians who joined him, who denied the revolution) and the socialists with their rejection Western culture. The collection also contains an essay by K. Brusak, detailing the discussion between Pekarz and Masaryk regarding the role of religion in Czech history, as well as Vlček, who convincingly shows the individualistic character of Czech art and its increasing orientation towards Paris. 74 A number of works appeared in the first half of the 1990s , dedicated to the problems of national identification. An interesting monograph by R. Pinsent 75, in which the author shows the elements of “Slavic consciousness” in the views of such figures of Czech history as T.G.

Masaryk, J. Patocka, V. Havel.

A work that deserves unconditional attention was the book of the famous Canadian bohemian G. Skilling 76. The subject of study was the ideas and activities of a “convinced nonconformist.” In general, the historian identifies ten main themes of Masaryk's nonconformism, which determined his activities over the years.

Thus, in domestic and foreign historiography there is a whole series of studies on highly specialized topics, as well as a huge layer of works devoted to the life and work of Masaryk. However, among them there are no works that not only state certain views and positions of Masaryk and his associates, but trace the process of developing the sociocultural component of Intellectuals and the Future in the Habsburg Monarchy, 1890-1914. Ed. By Pter L. and Pynsent R. B. New York, 1988.

A very interesting correction of this unequivocal statement was made a few years later by David-Fox K. in her remarkable article: David-Fox K. Prague-Vienna, Prague-Berlin: The Hidden Geography of Czech Modernism // Slavic Review. Winter 2000. Vol. 59. No. 4. P. 735 – 760.

Pynsent R. B. Questions of Identity: Czech and Slovak Ideas of Nationality and Personality. New York, 1994.

Skilling H. G. T. G. Masaryk: Against the Current, 1882-1914. Pennsylvania State University Press, 1994.

ideological component of the programs of the Realist Party, which took shape organizationally in 1900.

Scientific novelty work. For the first time in Russian historiography, as a result of studying extensive journalistic material, the dissertation examines the main directions along which the development of the sociocultural concept of the realists was carried out. It included expanding the rights of the Czech language, increasing social status women, the creation of a Czech educational vertical - Czech schools at all levels, as well as religious and philosophical issues (partly the interpretation of Czech history). After a carefully carried out selection and meaningful analysis of a number of liberal printed publications of the late 19th – early 20th centuries, it became possible for the first time to introduce such a large volume of Czech journalism into the scientific circulation of Russian historiography.

research is the leader of the realists himself - T.G. Masaryk. However, along with his point of view, it was possible to show a wider range of ideas and views characteristic of the Czech liberal political camp of the late 19th century. This made it possible to trace the formation of the sociocultural concept in the form in which it was presented by realists to their contemporaries. This approach made it possible to include their concept in the general political context and the process of ideological searches that took place in the Czech lands at the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th centuries. Finally, an attempt is made to explore the stated topic in the existing broad historiographical context. The works examined in the dissertation over a period of more than a century helped determine its own place for this study among the latest works of the post-Marxist period.

Practical significance work. The dissertation materials can be used for further research in several directions, and especially on the least developed topics in Russian historiography - feminism, religious and philosophical issues, as well as the clerical movement in the Czech lands of the late 19th - early 20th centuries. Since these problems can be considered in the context of processes characteristic of the Habsburg Empire, dissertation research can be useful in preparing not only special courses on the history of the Czech lands, but also on general Austrian topics and the development of teaching aids.

Approbation of results research. A number of aspects analyzed in the dissertation were tested in articles in specialized publications and during presentations at international conferences in Russia and abroad. The dissertation was discussed at a meeting of the Department of History of Southern and Western Slavs, Faculty of History, Moscow state university them. M.V. Lomonosov and recommended for protection.

STRUCTURE AND THE CONTENT OF THE WORK

In accordance with the goals and objectives set in the study, the dissertation consists of an introduction, three chapters, a conclusion, as well as a list of sources and literature used.

In the introduction the relevance of the chosen topic and subject of research is substantiated;

here the goals and objectives of the work are formulated, its chronological framework is defined, the sources used are characterized and the degree of knowledge of the problem is revealed; the selected methods are indicated, the scientific novelty and practical significance of the dissertation are noted.

Chapter 1, “In Search of a Spiritual National Dominant,” is devoted to the initial stage of the formation of T.G.’s sociocultural concept. Masaryk after his move to Prague in 1882.

The first paragraph – “From the slogan of freedom of thought to the principle of “non-political politics”” – examines the first years Masaryk spent in Prague and his founding of the scientific journal Athenaeum. It was in his work “On the Study of Poetic Works” that Masaryk first addressed the problem of the social significance of literature and the role of the writer in society.

The culmination of the history of the existence of the Athenaeum was the well-known discussion about the authenticity of the Kraledvor and Zelenogorsk manuscripts. For Masaryk’s supporters, represented by J. Gebauer, J. Goll, O. Gostinsky, it was about freedom scientific research and the possibility of making public and popularizing scientific results.

Gradually, the participants in the scientific debate, going beyond purely academic boundaries, turned to the analysis of the socio-economic and political development of society. Having acquired an openly political character, the discussion about the manuscripts developed into a phase of cultural and political struggle and contributed to the demarcation of political forces. Since we were talking about the popularization of scientific knowledge and education, already at this stage the circle of interests of Masaryk as a future political leader was gradually determined, for whom in the near future education would become the main core of the political program.

Since Masaryk’s arrival at the editorial office of the “Hour” magazine, the materials of this publication have acquired a socio-political orientation. It was on its pages that the main directions of the cultural program were gradually formed, later included in the official documents of the Czech People's Party (Realists). This paragraph provides a brief overview of the regulatory documents that determined the constantly changing legal status of the Czech language in Austria-Hungary since the 1860s.

The second paragraph – “On the educational function and social role of literature in society” – highlights the period of Masaryk’s highest activity in the field of literary criticism. After a short period as a deputy in the Reichsrat in 1891, Masaryk returned to teaching and with great enthusiasm took on the creation of a new periodical, Nashe Doba. This printed organ was conceived as an educational publication. On its pages, Masaryk himself actively published articles on literary criticism. Thus, it was the journal publications in “Our Dobe” that became the foundation of his later book “Modern Man and Religion”, dedicated to both the philosophy of D. Hume, E. Kant, A. Comte, G. Spencer, A. Smetana, and the analysis of the state contemporary morality, viewed through the prism of European literature: the works of A. Musset, E. Zola, I.V. Goethe. In addition, on the pages of this publication the chapters of one of Masaryk’s most significant works, “The Czech Question,” saw the light of day for the first time. This paragraph also provides a brief description of the views of supporters of the Czech Art Nouveau and Catholic Art Nouveau associations. In his critical articles, Masaryk developed the principles of literary criticism he put forward in his work “On the Study of Poetic Works.” As before, he gave priority to the ideological content, moral significance and truthfulness of the work. By the mid-1890s, when The Czech Question was published, Masaryk firmly believed, above all, in the social and educational function of literature. Having formulated his attitude towards literature as a unique means of educating the nation in his early works, Masaryk continued to develop this topic in the 1890s. For 10 years, the canons of scientific and literary criticism were worked out on the pages of the first scientific-critical periodical he founded. His next creation, the monthly Nashe Doba, provided an opportunity for a new galaxy of young literary critics and writers to try their hand.

The third paragraph – “The language issue in the realist party programs” – is devoted to the analysis of the corresponding section of party documents. The mixed population of the Czech lands did not allow us to talk about a strict linguistic division of the regions.

It was necessary to maintain accurate statistics to make decisions about opening new schools. The programs of different years were unanimous in the need for legislative regulation of the language issue based on the principle of strict equality of all Austrian peoples. The language issue was not considered in the programs as a purely political one. The authors of party documents saw it, firstly, as one of the components of the education system; secondly, they considered the main thing in the language issue to be its economic, social and cultural aspects. Overall, the solution to this issue had to be part of a broader socio-political plan.

This approach was, in particular, the result of a long process of forming Masaryk’s views on the problems of language, literary criticism, and artistic creativity. From the problems of scientific criticism, freedom of research, and the socially significant educational role of literature, the leader of the realists gradually came to formalize his beliefs in a party program, the implementation of which was supposed to lead the Czechs to a new level of development.

Chapter 2 “Religious and women’s issues in the matter of national mobilization”

combines two aspects of the sociocultural concept of the realists, which have become its important components.

The first paragraph – “In the struggle for a new religion” – analyzes in detail one of Masaryk’s most important works, “The Czech Question. The aspirations and aspirations of national revival,” published in 1895 as a separate book edition. The mid-1890s is the time when the national aspect appeared in his works devoted to religious issues. In this work, Masaryk presented an interpretation of Czech history, which subsequently aroused the objections of more than one historian, and also stimulated wide discussions in society about the fate of the Czech people 77. Masaryk was convinced that the awakening movement in the Czech lands, interrupted by the reaction, had its roots in the Czech Reformation, to the traditions of Husism and the Czech Brothers. Determining and driving force Czech history Masaryk saw religion. The proposed interpretation of Czech history in the “Czech Question” was explained by very specific circumstances. Masaryk was convinced of the need to highlight a serious spiritual dominant that would determine the life of society.

indisputable authorities for everyone, seemed to him exactly the very value he was looking for. Thus, Masaryk sought to create a synthesis of his beliefs and the historical and cultural realities of the Czech nation, a combination of past and present. In other words, having given the past features that he now intended to popularize, he presented his interpretation of history to the people of Bohemia. In the work “Jan Hus. Our Revival and Our Reformation,” published in 1896, Masaryk gave a more detailed interpretation of the ideas presented in the “Czech Question.” Here he presented the idea of ​​humanism as a specific (Czech) program, arguing, in contrast to the concept of European liberalism, that humanism had its origins in the Czech Brothers and not in the French Revolution.

Over the next two decades, realists tirelessly continued to complement the proposed formula and popularize it in every possible way. Publications in Nasha Doba were characterized by a pronounced national interpretation of the religious issue and especially close attention to the relationship between the official church and the school. A whole series of Masaryk’s speeches in the Reichsrat were devoted to this problem, both during his first, 1891-1893, and second, 1907-1914, parliament.

The second paragraph examines “The problem of the relationship between church, school and state in realist programs.” The authors of all analyzed documents advocated freeing the school from the influence of any religious doctrine.

By allowing elements of religious education in primary school, which should have been carried out only by secular teachers, the realists emphasized that the universal human Spor o smysl eskch djin 1895-1938. Uspodal M.Havelka. Praha, 1995.

morality was to become the basis and sole principle of school education.

The complete separation of church and state was already announced in the 1906 program.

Thus, Masaryk’s main opponents in implementing his plan for enlightenment and moral improvement of the Czech nation, in his opinion, were conservative circles of the Catholic Church. The main struggle had to be waged for the audience, which was not always able to draw a distinction between Catholicism and Christian-social rhetoric. Unlike the clerics, the ideal of Masaryk and his supporters was the construction of a new “religion” and morality, focused on universal humanistic values, on examples borrowed from Czech national history and worthy of imitation.

The third paragraph shows “The origins of feminism in the Czech lands since the mid-19th century.” The intensive industrial development of the Czech lands stimulated social changes in society and, as a result, the liberalization and democratization of family relations and family law. Criticism of women's position in society came primarily from the middle class. The very concept of the “women’s issue” was proposed precisely in this environment. The first stage of the feminist movement in the Czech lands, the program postulates of which developed from the demand for the admission of women to university classrooms to the granting of equal civil rights to them, ended by the early 1890s. The beginning of differentiation of forces among supporters of changing the position of women in society dates back to this time. The essence of the dilemma was reflected in the question “how far should women’s emancipation go?” Followers of a more conservative path of development saw their task as further expanding the scope of women's education. More radically minded youth increasingly turned to the issue of women’s participation in political life 78.

Among the first to pay attention to the political and social aspects of the women's issue in the late 1880s and early 1890s were young reformers led by the famous journalist Antonin Gain (1868-1949). By the beginning of 1900, Masaryk also actively became involved in the debate on these issues. His wife Charlotte Garrigues had a significant influence on the formation of his views on the problem of women's emancipation, morality, gender relations, and raising children (1850Rychlkov M. Zmny v postaven en ve spolenosti ve 2. polovin 19. stolet // Charlotta G. Masarykov. Sbornk pspvk z conference ke 150. vro jejho narozen, konan 10. listopadu 2000. Prague, 2001. S. 45.

1925). The problem of women's education was organically integrated into the general educational context by Masaryk. An example of this can be his speeches in the Reichsrat on relevant topics. 79 Realists considered it necessary to make women’s education one of the state priorities, an area in which not just state participation would be manifested, but its leading and directing initiative.

Problems of women's emancipation were one of the frequent topics in the publications of “Hour” and “Our Doby”. Masaryk’s own views on the moral aspect of the women’s issue can be traced in his articles devoted to the works of E. Zola, A. Musset and I.V. Goethe, towards whom the leader of the realists was very critical.

The fifth paragraph analyzes “The Women’s Question in the Realist Party Programs.” During the campaign for the introduction of universal suffrage, Masaryk came up with a slogan that reflected his vision of the problem of women's emancipation: “There is no women’s question, there is a social question.” However, a comparison of the programs of different years indicates that the realists’ concept on this issue was finally formulated only with the arrival of a group of progressive-minded youth in the party. The authors of all program documents spoke in favor of providing women with the opportunity to receive education. Over time, demands emerged for the elimination of professional discrimination and the development of social infrastructure in schools (1906 and 1912). In general, the development of the women's movement in the Czech lands (along with the realists' vision of the gender problem) at the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th centuries took place within the framework of liberal feminism, which was popular in the second half of the century before last. One of the key tenets of this moderate movement was the belief in the active role of the state in promoting the development of education, and, consequently, the establishment of gender equality. In addition, supporters of this movement were confident that strengthening morality and gradual social construction would be the key to the success of feminism in the future.

Chapter 3 of the dissertation - “Our strength is in education” - examines in detail the key element of the sociocultural concept of the realists - the sphere of education.

The first paragraph - “The structure of education in the empire at the end of the 19th century” - contains a brief excursion into the history of the creation of a unified Austrian system Masaryk T.G. Parliamentary Projevy. 1891-1893. Praha, 2001. S. 122 – 123, education. The foundations of this system were laid in the 18th century by the laws of Maria Theresa, Joseph II and Franz V. An important stage on the path to building a secular school educational vertical was the displacement of the church from traditionally leading positions in this area. Another important milestone in the formation of the Austrian education system was the adoption of a liberal constitution in 1867, and 2 years later, in 1869, the school law of 1869, which regulated, in particular, the relationship between the state and the community in school management, the state and the church, had a positive impact for the development of education in the Czech lands.

education". This was not only a natural stage, but also the logical culmination of his creation of a program of “new national revival.” Even on the pages of “Atheneum”, a plan for the modernization of science was presented within the framework of the article “How can we improve our scientific literature” 80. Later, articles on educational policy issues on the pages of “Hour” prevailed among publications on other topics. They were of a specifically applied nature, often offering detailed recommendations to teachers (reading lists), which was quite natural, given the occupation of most of the authors - teaching in higher education.

In the third paragraph, “Statement of the problem of modernizing the education system,” a new milestone in the realists’ approach to the educational problem is considered. This period is characterized by the formation of a fairly coherent vision of the tasks facing Czech education. In addition, for the first time, Masaryk’s views on the problems of education were presented in the most complete and worked out version in a series of speeches in the Reichsrat. These were well-reasoned calls for improving the quality of education and introducing the democratic principle of universal accessibility into the educational system. The most important and famous were his speeches dedicated to the reform legal education. Their importance was explained by the fact that most students in the empire studied at law faculties. In addition, a significant number of members of parliament were also lawyers.

Masaryk T.G. Anton Rezek. August Seydler. Jak zvelebovati nai literaturu naukovou. Prague, 1948.

According to Masaryk himself, Austria-Hungary, being a state with many social, political and national problems, should have become an ideal place for the flourishing of social sciences, including jurisprudence.

After Masaryk left parliament, new aspects in matters of education began to be highlighted in the pages of Nasha Doba. It is noteworthy that in the publications of this time, concern for social problems in the field of education is heard with greater force, the number of articles devoted to economically disadvantaged areas and physically and mentally weakened children increases. The authors of such articles almost always made very specific proposals to improve the situation.

In numerous public speeches in the late 1890s, Masaryk repeatedly touched upon the topic of students. He gave practical recommendations in the field of self-education, choosing a subject for independent study, and also raised a topic that was relevant to many, such as “students and politics.” To his disappointment, he recommended devoting all his efforts to his studies and spoke about the “non-interference” of students in “pure”, in his understanding, practical politics. He called for “quiet cultural work, not the sword.”81 However, in “The Czech Question,” Masaryk paid tribute to Czech students by expressing a sublimely exalted view of their historical role as heralds of progress and new ideas.

The fourth paragraph analyzes the formulation of “Problems of Education in the Realist Party Documents.” Their views on education were especially clearly and fully presented in the party programs of 1900 and 1912. Basically, all the demands put forward by both documents regarding school education were aimed at improving and modernizing the existing structure, without any radical restructuring. In all programs, sections devoted to education were the most voluminous and detailed. Thus, they contained a detailed description of the recommendations of realists related to each vocational education and higher school. Such important issues as management and financing of the education system were also touched upon. Both The text was included in the section on the goals of Czech students in the work “Nae nynj krize”, published in 1895.

programs postulated free school education at all levels, while the 1869 law did not contain a provision for free even universal compulsory school education. In general, in the educational field, the authors of the programs sought to create a unified, interdependent and consistent system, devoid of dead-end branches. The goal for all levels of education was set as a common one: to create within the empire a national Czech school that would be capable of raising a harmonious, educated personality. Ultimately, this could increase the share of the Czech nation in the empire, protect it from the danger of assimilation by the still culturally and economically stronger German element in the Czech lands, and also facilitate the inclusion of the Czech nation in pan-European cultural processes.

The Conclusion summarizes the results and draws general conclusions. As a result of the study, it seems possible to conclude that the realists managed to capture the main trends in the development of Czech society in the era of the establishment of national interests in all spheres of public life and intensive political emancipation of the individual. Tomas Garrigue Masaryk, as a leader of the realists, was at the origins of a new understanding of the role of culture in the Czech national movement. In accordance with the trends of the times, they highlighted four sets of problems: national (this work examines its linguistic and literary aspects); social (female); religious, as having a direct bearing on the morality and health of the nation; problems of education. As for education, it was precisely this that was seen as a way to achieve the internal independence of the individual and enlightenment of society in the broad sense of the word and, as a consequence, an instrument for increasing the political culture of the people.

Within the time period of 18 years chosen for the study, it is legitimate to distinguish 2 stages: 1882 – 1893. and 1893 – 1900 After moving to Prague, Masaryk became actively involved in the social and cultural life of the Czech capital, founding the scientific journal Athenaeum in 2006. His first attempts at writing in the field of public education date back to the mid-1880s (articles in the Athenaeum, the work “How can we improve our scientific literature”), and participation in the “manuscript dispute.” Over the next decade, Masaryk often and willingly gave lectures and wrote on topics that were important to him about the cultural development of the Czech people. The desire for reforms in the field of science and education, as well as an understanding of the need for changes in the political life of the Czech people, lead Masaryk to the Austrian parliament - the Reichsrat. Here he gained important experience in political activity during his first parliamentary term in 1891 - 1893, being elected to the Reichsrat from the National Party of Freethinkers (Young Czechs).

The failures of the Young Czechs, internal party conflicts and, most importantly, the lack of a clear party program push Masaryk to search for an alternative sphere of application of his forces. Working through non-political means seems like such an opportunity to him. Since 1893, having resigned his parliamentary powers, Masaryk returned to active academic activity, “non-political politics” of “small affairs”. He begins publishing his main periodical, which becomes “Our Doba”

(Nae doba). Thus, in our opinion, 1893 is an important watershed in the context of this study and marks the beginning of a new and main stage in the process of developing the sociocultural concept of realism as an ideological and political current in Czech social thought at the turn of the 19th – 20th centuries.

In public speeches and articles, Masaryk gradually outlines, hones, and tests individual elements of the national development program. In the main works of the second half of the 1890s - “The Czech Question” (1895), “Our Today's Crisis” (1895), “Jan Hus” (1896), “Karel Havlicek” (1896) - in an original way, sometimes interpreting national history outside context of historical events, it offers a theoretical rationale for the national effort. It was precisely this guiding ideal, in his opinion, that was necessary to mobilize the positive initiative of the Czech intelligentsia.

As a result of the analysis of the sources, it seems possible to conclude that the education system became the key component, the core of the entire sociocultural concept of the realists. It was through the prism of education, upbringing and public education that the remaining components of this concept were considered. Thus, back in the late 1880s, Masaryk, turning to the problems of literary criticism, emphasized the sociological function of verbal art.

Literature was intended to have an educational role, and writers were expected to create in their works highly moral examples worthy of imitation in real life. As for the question of the status of the Czech language, it was also considered by realists in the context of education.

In the mid-1890s, Masaryk addressed issues of religion directly. The basis of his analysis of the religious tradition of the Czechs was the desire to substantiate his own national program, while historical subjects remained only a background for the author to construct theoretical concepts. Fundamentally important in Masaryk’s judgments about the specific problems of his contemporary reality was the question of the relationship between church and state. At University state church he saw an exclusively negative impact on religion. The quintessence of the views of Czech realists on the problem of the relationship between church, school and state were the provisions of their party programs. The demand for the secularization of schools took center stage in sections devoted to the ecclesiastical question. As for primary school, then the authors of the programs advocated the priority of ethical and moral principles as opposed to dogma in the content of training. In contrast to the clerics, the ideal of both Masaryk himself and his supporters was the construction of a new “religion” and, accordingly, a new morality, focused on general humanistic values, on examples taken from Czech national history and worthy of imitation.

Since the early 1890s, Masaryk has been actively involved in discussions on feminist issues. Much of this matter for him was determined by his own belief in strict morality in his personal life, as well as social justice and national equality.

It was this approach that made it possible for a deeper interpretation of the women's issue, emphasizing its social component. In accordance with the theory of liberal feminism, popular in the second half of the 19th century, realists advocated an active role for the state in the development and expansion of the educational sphere, and, consequently, in establishing gender equality. The moderate demands of feminists and their followers evolved from the demand for women's admission to university classrooms to the granting of equal civil rights to them. The introduction of complete political and social equality of men and women was possible, in their opinion, only after the independence of the Czechs. Thus, the interests and aspirations of the fighters for women's equality were consonant with the interests of the entire nation.

to create within the empire a national Czech school of all levels, capable of raising a harmoniously developed, educated personality. This was supposed to not only strengthen the position of the Czechs in Austria-Hungary, but also become a guarantee of their strong cultural independence and facilitate the integration of the nation into the pan-European context.

Thus, summing up the above, we can conclude that at the turn of the 19th – 20th centuries. Tomas Garrigue Masaryk and a group of his associates came up with a program of national development that corresponded to the tasks facing the Czechs. The phenomenon of his personality consists of a positive attitude towards reality and a balanced, realistic view of the processes of social development. Obvious optimism did not prevent Masaryk from recognizing the maladie du sicle, both spiritual and moral. It was precisely against the nihilistic attitude towards traditions that struck a significant part of the intelligentsia that the realists spoke out. In contrast to the passivity and decadent contemplation of the “world sliding towards an abyss,” Masaryk chooses the active position of a social reformer, rejecting “mysticism and the Romanesque passivity of the 19th century” 82.

A characteristic feature of the overwhelming majority of cultural trends at the turn of the century, the Art Nouveau era, was the denial of continuity with previous creative trends and the search for their own path. It is noteworthy that against this background Masaryk finds an original form to justify the program specifically for his time, turning to the past of the Czech people. He was aware that in order to give weight and significance to any concept of national development, it must be based on some historical tradition as a guarantee of its legitimacy. This, in the form of continuous continuity of the ideas of the Czech Reformation, the Czech Brotherhood, the Czech National Revival, leading the Czechs to universal humanistic ideals, was proposed by T.G. Masaryk. It was she who, despite certain inaccuracies in the interpretation of historical events, became theoretical basis the entire sociocultural concept of realists.

Masaryk T. G. Karel Havlek. S. 262.

1. Muradova T.I. Problems of education in the program of Czech realists at the end of the 19th century.

// Problems of socio-political history of foreign countries. Interuniversity collection of scientific papers. Syktyvkar, 1996, pp. 75-84.

2. Muradova T.I. Liberal feminism in Austria-Hungary (the women's issue in the views of the Czech democratic intelligentsia in the late 19th - early 20th centuries) // Yugoslav history in modern and contemporary times. M., 2002, pp. 147-154.

3. Muradova T.I. The religious question as one of the fundamental components of the cultural concept of T.G. Masaryk // Proceedings of the scientific conference of students and graduate students “Lomonosov -2002”. Story. M., 2003. pp. 217-220.

4. Muradova T.I. “Non-political politics” of the Slavic opposition in Austria-Hungary: Czech experience // Mechanisms of power. Transformations of political culture in Russia and Austria-Hungary at the turn of the 19th – 20th centuries. Mechanismen der Macht. Transformationen der politischen Kultur in Russland und sterreich-Ungarn um 1900. Edited by O.V. Pavlenko, A.V. Bezborodov, Volker Munz and Peter Deutschmann. M., Publishing House of the Russian State University for the Humanities. In the press.

5. Muradova T.I. In search of a national dominant // Motherland. In the press.

Participation in scientific conferences:

International conference “Political culture of the Russian Empire and Austria-Hungary at the end of the 19th – beginning of the 20th centuries. Mechanisms of power in the political, socio-economic, scientific, artistic and everyday contexts of multinational states.” Moscow, Russian State University for the Humanities, May 2007

Round table within the framework of the international conference “Festival of Arts of Central European Countries “M@NARCHIA”. Moscow, Russian State University for the Humanities, February 2007

International Conferences of the Association for the Study of Nationalities, New York, Columbia University, 2002-2003.

Participation in the work of the Czech-Russian commission of historians. Moscow, 1996

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Key dates and events: 1898 - formation of the RSDLP; 1902 - formation of the Socialist Revolutionary Party; 1904 - formation of the liberal “Union of Liberation”.

Historical figures: V. I. Ulyanov (Lenin); Yu. O. Martov; V. M. Chernov.

Basic terms and concepts: political parties.

Response Plan: 1) the prerequisites for the activation of the social movement at the beginning of the twentieth century; 2) features of the social movement; 3) conservative movement; 4) liberal movement; 5) socialist movement; 6) the emergence of the first political parties.

Material for the answer: The main prerequisites for the radicalization of the social movement at the beginning of the twentieth century. there were serious remnants in the development of the country's political system: the concentration of absolute legislative and executive power in the hands of the tsar; high degree of bureaucratization of the system of power and management; lack of elements of representative democracy and all-class representative institutions; lack of legal political parties. The persistence and deepening of numerous contradictions in the socio-economic and political spheres contributed to the activation of the social movement in all its manifestations: peasants advocated the return of plots and the abolition of redemption payments; workers - for the adoption of progressive labor legislation; students - for the return of university autonomy; national minorities - for the right to study in their native language, for the weakening of national oppression; liberal opposition: - for the involvement of its representatives in managing the affairs of society.

The most numerous and alarming for the authorities were the movements of workers who spoke out in the second half of the 90s. not only with economic, but also with political demands. These movements became noticeably more active during the economic crisis, when their financial situation worsened even further. May Day demonstrations and strikes took place in a number of cities in 1901 (a particularly violent clash between strikers and the police took place at the Obukhov plant in St. Petersburg). In 1902, a general strike took place at the enterprises of Rostov, in 1903 - at factories in the south of Russia. In 1902, protests by peasants in the Kharkov and Poltava provinces began a period of peasant uprisings that did not stop until 1917. (historian V.P. Danilov believes that 1902 marked the beginning of the peasant war in Russia).

Student protests and the zemstvo “banquet” campaign in the fall of 1904 complemented the picture of mass public protests against the foundations of the existing system.

A new phenomenon in the social life of this time was the creation of political organizations and parties that set the task of reorganizing Russian reality. In 1895, the “Union of Struggle for the Liberation of the Working Class” was created in St. Petersburg, whose activities were led by V. I. Ulyanov (Lenin). For the first time, this organization was engaged not only in the political education of workers (primarily in Sunday schools), but also called on them to strike. In 1898, the 1st Congress of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party took place, proclaiming the creation of the country's first labor party based on the principles of Marxist ideology. At its 11th congress (1903), a program was adopted (providing, in particular, for the overthrow of the autocracy and the establishment of a democratic republic at the first stage of the revolution, the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat and the implementation of socialist transformations at the second) and the charter. At the same time, this organization split into radical (Bolsheviks) and moderate (Mensheviks) wings. The first of them was headed by V.I. Lenin for many years. Second - Yu. O. Martov.

A feature of the liberal movement of this period was the radicalization of the sentiments of its participants. Now they advocated the abolition of autocracy and the establishment of a constitutional system, the introduction of universal suffrage, etc. The creation of illegal organizations was not ruled out. However, such sentiments were characteristic of the “NEW” liberals who united around the magazine “Osvobozhdenie”, which in 1901 began to be published in Stuttgart by the famous theorist and active participant in the liberal-populist movement P. B. Struve. Soon the “HOBye”~ liberals created the “Union of Liberation”, which was the organizer of the “banquet)~ campaign in the fall of 1904. However, the liberals (who made up the majority of participants in the movement) continued to focus on cooperation with the government in carrying out reforms. They created the “Union of Zemstvo Constitutionalists”, which tried to use the legal possibilities of the zemstvos.

In 1902, the populist circles and groups that had survived by that time formed the Socialist Revolutionary Party (V.M. Chernov became its leader). Their program set the task of eliminating the autocratic system and building a socialist society, the basis of which would be the peasant community. Following the Narodnaya Volya tradition, the Socialist-Revolutionaries did not

excluded the tactics of individual terror, for which the Combat Organization of the Socialist Revolutionary Party was created.

The first parties could exist either in deep underground or in exile, since there were no laws allowing their activities.

The significance of the social movement in Russia at the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th centuries. in that it identified the most pressing issues in the socio-economic and socio-political system of Russia and proposed its own version of their solution.

Key dates and events: 1898 - formation of the RSDLP; 1902 - formation of the Socialist Revolutionary Party; 1904 - formation of the liberal “Union of Liberation”.

Historical figures: V. I. Ulyanov (Lenin); Yu. O. Martov; V. M. Chernov.

Basic terms and concepts: political parties.

Response Plan: 1) the prerequisites for the activation of the social movement at the beginning of the twentieth century; 2) features of the social movement; 3) conservative movement; 4) liberal movement; 5) socialist movement; 6) the emergence of the first political parties.

Material for the answer: The main prerequisites for the radicalization of the social movement at the beginning of the twentieth century. there were serious remnants in the development of the country's political system: the concentration of absolute legislative and executive power in the hands of the tsar; high degree of bureaucratization of the system of power and management; lack of elements of representative democracy and all-class representative institutions; lack of legal political parties. The persistence and deepening of numerous contradictions in the socio-economic and political spheres contributed to the intensification of the social movement in all its manifestations: peasants advocated the return of plots and the abolition of redemption payments; workers - for the adoption of progressive labor legislation; students - for the return of university autonomy; national minorities - for the right to study in their native language, for the weakening of national oppression; liberal opposition: - for the involvement of its representatives in managing the affairs of society.

The most numerous and alarming for the authorities were the movements of workers who spoke out in the second half of the 90s. not only with economic, but also with political demands. These movements became noticeably more active during the economic crisis, when their financial situation worsened even further. May Day demonstrations and strikes took place in a number of cities in 1901 (a particularly violent clash between strikers and the police took place at the Obukhov plant in St. Petersburg). In 1902, a general strike took place at the enterprises of Rostov, in 1903 - at factories in the south of Russia. In 1902, protests by peasants in the Kharkov and Poltava provinces began a period of peasant uprisings that did not stop until 1917. (historian V.P. Danilov believes that 1902 marked the beginning of the peasant war in Russia).

Student protests and the zemstvo “banquet” campaign in the fall of 1904 complemented the picture of mass public protests against the foundations of the existing system.

A new phenomenon in the social life of this time was the creation of political organizations and parties that set the task of reorganizing Russian reality. In 1895, the “Union of Struggle for the Liberation of the Working Class” was created in St. Petersburg, whose activities were led by V. I. Ulyanov (Lenin). For the first time, this organization was engaged not only in the political education of workers (primarily in Sunday schools), but also called on them to strike. In 1898, the 1st Congress of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party took place, proclaiming the creation of the country's first labor party based on the principles of Marxist ideology. At its 11th congress (1903), a program was adopted (providing, in particular, for the overthrow of the autocracy and the establishment of a democratic republic at the first stage of the revolution, the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat and the implementation of socialist transformations at the second) and the charter. At the same time, this organization split into radical (Bolsheviks) and moderate (Mensheviks) wings. The first of them was headed by V.I. Lenin for many years. Second - Yu. O. Martov.

A feature of the liberal movement of this period was the radicalization of the sentiments of its participants. Now they advocated the abolition of autocracy and the establishment of a constitutional system, the introduction of universal suffrage, etc. The creation of illegal organizations was not ruled out. However, such sentiments were characteristic of the “NEW” liberals who united around the magazine “Osvobozhdenie”, which in 1901 began to be published in Stuttgart by the famous theorist and active participant in the liberal-populist movement P. B. Struve. Soon the “HOBye”~ liberals created the “Union of Liberation”, which was the organizer of the “banquet)~ campaign in the fall of 1904. However, the liberals (who made up the majority of participants in the movement) continued to focus on cooperation with the government in carrying out reforms. They created the “Union of Zemstvo Constitutionalists”, which tried to use the legal possibilities of the zemstvos.

§3. Political thought of the Middle Ages and the Renaissance

§4. Political teachings of the New Age

§5. Development of political ideas at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries

§6. Main directions of development of Russian political thought

Additional questions:

Literature:

Section 2. Political power

§1. The concept and essence of power

§2. Political power: signs, resources, types and forms of implementation

§3. Political legitimacy and political dominance

Section 3. Policy subjects.

Chapter 4. Social groups as subjects of politics

§1. Classes, social groups and strata, their characteristics and political interests

§2. Social groups

1) Possession of a profession of varying degrees of prestige;

§3. Social processes and their influence on politics

Chapter 5. Ethnic communities as subjects of politics

§1. The nature of the ethnos. Ethnicity as a subject of political relations

§2. The nation as a subject of politics. The problem of self-determination of nations and separatism

Chapter 6. Political elite.

§1. Origin of the term "elite" and its modern meaning

§2. Basic Elite Theories

§ 3. Typology and elite recruitment systems

§ 4. Historical features of the ruling Russian elite

Chapter 7. Political Leadership

§1. Concept, basic theories and factors of leadership

§2. Typology and functions of political leaders

Chapter 8. Political parties

§1. Origin and essence of parties

§2. Typology of political parties

§ 3. Functions of political parties

1) Convert their supporters to a dogmatic faith, suppress their free thinking and ability to critically evaluate politics;

2) The party “turns a blind eye” to the ordinary citizen to public life, declaring his “low opinion” an attack on his honor;

3) In the end, the will of the party and the will of voters is replaced by the will of party leaders.

§4. Party systems: types and functions

§5. Problems of the formation of the Russian multi-party system and the party-political spectrum of modern Russia

Chapter 9. Interest groups (pressure groups)

§1. Interest groups: concept, characteristics and role in society

§2. Typology of pressure groups

§3. Functions of pressure groups

§5. Peculiarities of representation of interests and lobbying activities in modern Russia

Section 4. Political system of society

Chapter 10. Political system: concept, structure and functions

§1. The essence and structure of the political system of society

2) Political norms;

3) Political relations;

4) Political consciousness;

5) Political communication.

§2. Functions of the political system

§3. Typology of political systems

Chapter 11. The state as the leading element of the political system of society

§1. Concept, essence, and main ways of the emergence of the state

§2. Features and main functions of a modern state

Chapter 12. The structure of a modern state

§1. Forms of government

1) The President is directly elected by the people;

§2. Referendum

§3. Territorial structure

Chapter 13. Basic dimensions and social foundations of the modern state

§1. Civil society

§2. Constitutional state

§3. Welfare state

Literature:

Chapter 14. Political regimes

§1. Political regime: concept and main characteristics

§2. Totalitarian regime

1) Official ideology, which must be recognized by everyone;

§3. Authoritarianism

§4. Typology of authoritarian regimes

§5. Development of political ideas at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries

The political teachings that emerged during this period formed the basis of modern Western political science, which cannot be imagined without the ideas, theories, and concepts of the German sociologist M. Weber (1864-1920).

The most effective system of government organization M. Weber considered bureaucracy. Its effectiveness is based on a strict division of responsibilities, professionalism and discipline. He highlighted the characteristic features of the ideal type of bureaucracy: 1) division of labor determined by rules and laws; 2) the order of subordination of lower-level officials to higher-level ones; 3) appointment of employees on the basis of professional qualifications, as indicated in the diploma, and not election of them; 4) salaries of employees corresponding to their rank; 5) work in a government agency is the main occupation of employees; 6) the employee is not the owner of the institution in which he works; 7) removal of an employee from a position is the prerogative of a superior, etc. the presence of such rules ensures uniformity in the activities of state bodies and clearly defines the responsibility of each state institution. These rules limit the arbitrariness of a boss in relation to a subordinate and eliminate personal hostility, resentment, and sympathy from official relations.

It should be noted that the rational bureaucracy is just the social group that carries out in practice the executive, managerial function of the state. Its task is not to make political decisions, but to carry out the orders of the political elite. In those cases when the bureaucracy managed, focusing exclusively on its own interests, to monopolize and concentrate state power in its hands, it turned from a rational one into a totalitarian bureaucracy, as evidenced by the history of many countries not only in antiquity, the Middle Ages, and modern times, but also already in the 20th century. As a result, fascist, Nazi, militaristic, etc. were established in a number of countries. dictatorship (its specific form depended on what forces this or that totalitarian bureaucracy relied on and what ideology it used to justify its dominance).

§6. Main directions of development of Russian political thought

The noticeable lag in the development of political theory and practice in Russia from advanced Western countries does not at all mean the absence of original political ideas and teachings in the centuries-old history of the country. The history of Russian and Western political thought has both similarities and significant differences. These differences were determined by the cultural environment in which Russian political thought developed, as well as by the influence of a number of other factors, such as geographical location, climatic conditions, external environment, etc. The choice of topical issues of public life, the search for ways and means of solving them were determined by the specific vision of the world , which has developed in Russian culture.

This special worldview was associated with Orthodoxy. The divine nature of power in Orthodoxy was organically combined with the unique Russian tradition - conciliarity, which was generated by the very conditions of existence and development of ancient Russian society. The basis of the social organization of society was the community. Sobornost presupposed a collective search for truth, the sovereignty of the majority, and excluded the existence of an autonomous individual. Thus, conciliarity fueled the authoritarian nature of the prince’s power, since strong power was needed to suppress opposition to the opinion of the majority. Consequently, the strength of government and the state was determined not only by their divine character, but also by the agreement between rulers and subjects.

Due to the geographical location of the country (Russia is located between the West and the East), Russian political thought in its development experienced a noticeable, sometimes decisive influence of Western and Eastern thought: initially - Byzantium, and starting from the 17th century. - west. The influence of Western ideas was expressed in the emergence of the ideological and political movement of “Westerners”, in their borrowing of many liberal values. However, this did not mean at all that Russia did not try to find its own original path of political, and more broadly, historical development. The symbol that expressed the identity of the people and at the same time served their cohesion and unity was the Russian idea. It became one of the central ideas of political theories, which was reflected in the formation of a wide movement of Slavophiles.

The influence of the ideas of the French Enlightenment. From the 17th century the influence of the religious worldview on the development of political thought is gradually weakening, it is becoming more independent. This process was affected by a certain influence of the ideas of the French Enlightenment, although it was not absolute. Many ideas of the Enlightenment, and above all such as the ideas of separation of powers, social contract, natural individual rights, etc., could not take root in the Russian public consciousness. However, the rationalization of political thought and its rapprochement with science became an increasingly noticeable trend in its development. First of all, this was reflected in the fact that power was no longer considered solely as a Divine gift.

From the point of view of supporters of the idea of ​​enlightened absolutism V.N. Tatishcheva (1686-1750), I.T. Pososhkova (1652-1726) and others, the state is a means of ensuring the common good, the main condition for the preservation of life and the continuation of the human race. The state listens to the intelligence of its subjects and rules based on a well-developed and strictly enforced set of laws. True, they still placed the supreme bearer of power (the monarch) above citizens and classes, justifying any of his actions. However, they explained this justification by the fact that the ruler himself is an enlightened monarch, the ruler is a sage.

Companion Peter I, prominent church leader Feofan Prokopovich (1681-1737) tried to combine the divine essence of power with its reasonable use to realize the natural rights of the people. In his opinion, the state is the result of a conscious unification of people; at the inspiration of God, the people themselves transferred power to the monarch. And since God has placed the monarch above the people and the law, then no one has the right to limit his power or terminate the agreement between the monarch and the people. The best form of government F. Prokopovich considered an absolute monarchy, which could be either hereditary or elective. In his opinion, the hereditary form is more effective, since the ruling monarch sought to pass on a prosperous state to his heir.

However, not without the obvious influence of Enlightenment ideas, criticism of the concept of enlightened absolutism grew. It was accompanied by the emergence of ideas of limiting absolute power, introducing the principles of constitutionalism and parliamentarism. Therefore, in the development of political thought in Russia, three directions can be distinguished: liberal, conservative and radical .

Liberal political thought. Liberalism as a political ideology was based on the supremacy of individual rights and freedoms over the interests of the state and society. In Russia, the socio-economic (the presence of an independent individual, the middle class) and political-legal (civil society, the rule of law) conditions for the development of liberalism were absent during the period under review. This explains the specific forms of its evolution and the limited nature of its influence on political thought and practice of Russian statehood. Liberalism in Russia was represented by various directions.

The founder of protective liberalism was a law professor B.N. Chicherin (1828-1904). Actively developing the liberal idea of ​​the rule of law, he advocated the rule of law, which limits all power. However B.N. Chicherin did not share the idea of ​​natural and inalienable rights, since, as it seemed to him, this could lead to anarchy. He believed that rights were given by the state. His political ideal was a constitutional monarchy, created by borrowing the principles and forms of political institutions from the West.

A professor at Moscow University went a little further in his thinking. P.I. Novgorodtsev (1866-1924). He developed the idea of ​​a welfare state, as he was convinced that the right to a decent human existence should be guaranteed by the state. According to the scientist, freedom is possible only if there are material conditions for its actual implementation. P.I. Novgorodtsev was one of the founders of the Constitutional Democratic Party of Russia (Cadets).

Russian conservatism. Orientation towards Western values, the desire for reforms of the advanced part of Russian society (entrepreneurs, intellectuals) also gave rise to the opposite trend - increased conservatism. Conservatism reflected the desire to preserve traditions, customs, and identity. The ideological and political movement, whose participants tried to substantiate the fundamental differences in the development of Russia and the West, was called “ Slavophiles" Representatives and supporters of this movement idealized the historical past of the country, the Russian national character, and the uniqueness of the historical path of Russian society, which they explained by the presence of a common idea (the Russian idea). But the content of the Russian idea was interpreted differently by its various adherents. Accordingly, two directions in Slavophilism can be distinguished: 1) orthodox-reactionary and 2) reform-oriented.

Representatives of the first direction were the Minister of Education, Count S.S. Uvarov (1786-1855), historian N.M. Karamzin (1766-1826), Chief Prosecutor of the Senod K.P. Pobedonostsev (1827-1905).

The merit of defining the principles of the concept of Slavophilism belongs to Count S.S. Uvarov, who expressed the meaning of Slavophilism with the formula “Orthodoxy, autocracy, nationality.” The Slavophiles justified their confidence that it was impossible to transfer Western political institutions to Russia and implement reforms by the deep religiosity of the people, moral unity, and devotion to the autocracy. Order in the country, they believed, rests on faith in power. If faith disappears, then the state will disappear. That is why it is necessary to preserve autocracy.

The main ideologist of the second, reform-oriented direction in Slavophilism was A.S. Khomyakov (1804-1860). Representatives of this direction ( I.V. Kireevsky, P.V. Kireevsky, K.S. Aksakov, I.S. Aksakov, A.I. Koshelev ) did not deny the need for reforms, advocated the abolition of serfdom, the provision of certain freedoms to Russian citizens, in particular the free expression of public opinion, and some others. However, they considered the European way of transforming society to be disastrous for Russia, since, as they argued, it would destroy the spiritual unity of its people. A. S. Khomyakov connected the originality of the Russian people with conciliarity, which, in his opinion, ensures the spiritual integrity of the Russian state, internal harmony and unanimity in it, and the love of people for each other. Later writer F.M. Dostoevsky(1821-1881) among the distinctive features of the Russian people noted forgiveness, asceticism, universal love, and humility.

Political radicalism. Faith in the independence of Russia and its special path of development as a whole did not contradict the idea of ​​​​a revolutionary reorganization of society. The conditions for the spread of radical ideas of social transformation in Russia existed: a low standard of living for a significant mass of the population, a noticeable gap in the incomes of various groups of society, class privileges for some and restrictions for others, lack of civil and political rights, etc. The idea of ​​a revolutionary overthrow of the autocracy has been brewing for a long time, and it was first formulated in the form of a theory by a writer and philosopher A.N. Radishchev (1749-1802) - the founder of the revolutionary tradition in Russia, a supporter of the establishment of a republican democratic system.

Instead of a monarchy, he proposed popular government in the form of a voluntary federation of free cities, following the example of ancient Novgorod and Pskov. Democratic people's rule, according to A.N. Radishcheva, corresponds to “human nature”, since it is based on the principles of popular sovereignty and the inalienability of natural individual rights. In his opinion, the federation should be headed by worthy people nominated by the people.

After A.N. Radishcheva The Decembrists sought to implement the idea of ​​revolutionary reconstruction. Monarchy, by design P.I. Pestel(1793-1826), must give way to republican rule, guaranteeing natural rights and individual freedoms. He denied the principle of separation of powers, but believed that the highest bodies of power (People's Assembly, State Duma, Supreme Council) should be formed through universal suffrage.

In the second half of the 19th century. Russian political thought was significantly influenced by European socialism and anarchism. This activated those forces in Russia that denied the established forms of statehood. However, now representatives of radical political thought began to pay more attention not so much to the formation of ideals of government, but to the determination of means of realizing their ideals.

Revolutionaries - democrats V.G. Belinsky (1811-1848), A.I. Herzen (1812-1870), N.G. Chernyshevsky (1828-1889), D.I. Pisarev (1840 -1868) insisted on armed uprising as the only means of achieving autocracy.

They argued that it should be a peasant revolution, the goal of which would be to establish a "social republic" with supreme power people. Democratic revolutionaries considered the peasant community to be the basis of the future economic and political system, although, we note, even at that time it did not represent a single entity, but was stratified. By N.G. Chernyshevsky, in a “social republic” legislative power must belong to the people, and the government must be responsible to them. The people, represented by the People's Assembly, control the executive branch.

Hostility towards Western liberalism and constitutionalism, established state institutions, and autocracy is clearly visible in Russian anarchism. The most famous representatives of anarchism M.A. Bakunin (1814-1876) and P.A. Kropotkin (1842-1921) We proceeded from the thesis: the state is evil because it interferes with the natural existence of people.

Anarchy, by M.A. Bakunin, - This " a free union of agricultural and factory workers' associations, communities, regions and peoples and, finally, in the more distant future, a universal brotherhood, triumphant on the ruins of all future states" That's why M.A. Bakunin criticized the idea K. Marx about the dictatorship of the proletariat, considering it only a new form of suppression of one part of society by another.

P.A. Kropotkin called the ideal of the future structure of society “anarchist communism,” by which he meant free union of self-governing communities. In his opinion, such a union should be based on free mutual agreements of people over whom no supreme central authority dominates . Anarchists sharply criticized the ideas of state socialism, emphasized the corrupting influence of power on the individual, and demanded justice and respect for the rights and freedoms of the individual. It is this criticism that determines their significance in the history of Russian political thought in the period under review.

Questions and tasks for review:

Why did political thought arise in the East earlier than in Western countries?

How was the nature of the state explained in the East?

Why in the teachings of Confucius does the ruler rely on morality, and not on force, like the Legalists?

Are there differences in the explanation of the nature of the state between Eastern thinkers and ancient philosophers of Greece and Rome? If yes, what are they?

Why do you think democracy was considered an imperfect and “perverted” form of state in antiquity?

What does the concept of “mixed form of state” mean? What are its advantages?

Why were the political ideas of the Middle Ages religious in nature?

Why N. Machiavelli considered the founder of Western political science? What are his merits?

What are the differences in views? T. Hobbes, J. Locke and J.-J. Rousseau on the essence of the state? Whose conclusions have stood the test of time and turned out to be more viable, in your opinion?

How does the theory of polis democracy differ from the theory of democracy? A. Tocqueville?

What are the advantages of a bureaucratic management system?

How did the ideas of the French Enlightenment influence the development of political thought in Russia?

What is special about liberal political ideas in Russia?

What are the main ideas of Russian conservatism?

What is the essence of the political concept of anarchism?